LIBRARY
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA
PRESENTED BY
MRS. DONALD KELLOGG
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
This is probably the only authentic portrait of the poet,
Samuel Daniel, and it is known to have been engraved
by Thomas Cockson or Coxon (Cocksonus) for Daniel's
Civile Warres of 1609. Copies are often found skilfully
inserted in the other works of Daniel, and this circum-
stance has helped to confuse the already perplexing
bibliography of the poet, here depicted at the age of
forty-seven.
THE PENSHURST EDITION
OF
an €ngltsf) (garner
INGATHERINGS FROM OUR
HISTORY AND LITERATURE
EDITED BY
PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER
5^ . W^ 'm\m'
JPENSIIUJ^ST
LONDON
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD.
1909
This Edition is limited to y^o copies
for E7igla7id and A merica
No...Lx:fh
Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
CONTENTS TO VOLUME II.
PARK
1. Jan Huyghen van Linschoten ; Voyage to Goa and back,
1583-92, with his account of the East Indies. [From
Lmschoten's Discourse 0/ Voyao-es, I $g8], .... i
2. The Voyage of the Do£- to the Gulf of Mexico, 1589. [From
the Hakluyt of 1589], 127
3. The Destruction of Portuguese Carracks by Enghsh seamen,
1592-94. [From the Hakluyt of 1 599-1600], . . , 129
4. Captain Nicholas Downton ; The sinking of the Carrack,
T/ie Five Wounds, 145
5. Strange and Wonderful things happened to Richard Hasle-
ton, 1582-92. [From the only extant copy of the original
edition of 1595], 151
6. The antiquity of the trade with English ships into the
Levant. [From the Hakluyt of 1599- 1600], . . .181
7. Edward Wright, Mathematician ; The Voyage of the Earl
of Cumberland to the Azores, etc., 1589. [From Wright's
Certain Errors iti Navigation, 1599]. . . . . .186
8. A Fight at Sea by the Dolphin of London, against Five
of the Turks' Men-of-War, January 12, 1616 [-17]. [From
the original edition of 1617], 213
vi \^OYAGES AND TRAVELS
PAGE
9. Sir Francis Drake Revived ; a narrative of the Nombre
de Dios' expedition of 1572-73. [From the original
edition of 1626] 221
10. Nineteen years' Captivity in the Highlands of Ceylon, sus-
tained by Captain Robert Knox, March 1660— October
1679. [From the original edition of An Historical
Relation, etc., 1681], 295
11. A Relation of the Retaking of the island of Sainta Helena.
[From the original edition of 1678], 433
INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME II
The second volume of these travels opens with an abridg-
ment of the first part of the celebrated Itinerario of Jan
Huygen van Linschoten — 'John the son of Hugh,' from the
village of Linschoten in Utrecht, the probable home of his
forefathers, but not his own birthplace. The author was born
at Haarlem in or about 1563 ; in 1573, either before or just
after the great siege of Haarlem, by the Duke of Alva, the
family removed to Enkhuizen in North Holland, a town
which escaped the Spanish re-conquest. At the age of six-
teen, on December 6, 1576, young Jan started on his travels,
and his first objective was remarkable. It was the country
with which his countrymen, and especially the city of
Enkhuizen and the province of North Holland, were so
desperately struggling. Political war co-existed with an
active commerce, and Linschoten sailed from the Texel in a
fleet of some eighty vessels, bound for San Lucar in
Andalusia. After a stay of six years in Spain (as the
narrative tells us), mainly in Seville and Lisbon, Jan sought
employment in the East Indian fleet, like his half-brother
Willem Tin, who went in the same ship as schrevijn or clerk
(not purser^ as in the English translation, vol. ii. p. 7, etc.).
Shortly after Linschoten's arrival at Goa, on September 21,
1 583, John Newberie.Ralph Fitch, William Leedes,and James
Storey were brought there under arrest from Ormuz, accused
of being spies in the pay of Don Antonio, pretender to the
crown of Portugal. ^ Drake's voyages in the Pacific and East
^ For Linschoten's account of this, see vol. i. pp. 324-30.
vii
viii Voyages and Travels
Indies were of recent occurrence, and Englishmen were now
regarded as somewhat of a dubious blessing in the
Portuguese East, It was therefore with difficulty that
Linschoten, his friend and comrade Bernard Burcherts of
Hamburg, and Thomas Stevens the Jesuit, procured the
release of Newberie, Fitch, and the other Englishmen. In
1584 Burcherts returned to Europe by the Persian Gulf, the
Euphrates, and Aleppo ; but Linschoten remained, hoping
vainly for an opportunity of extending his travels to Eastern
Asia. China and Japan, he wrote to his parents, were
about the same distance as Portugal from the Malabar
coast, a three years' journey : a Dutch friend of Linschoten's,
one Dirck Gerritsz, had just been to the Far East as a
gunner, and had pressed him to go too. In those distant
and favoured lands two hundred ducats might easily be
turned into six or seven hundred ; but the necessary capital
was wanting. Gerritsz, nicknamed ' the Chinaman ' from his
China voyages, was born at Enkhuizen, and spent in all
twenty-six years in the Indies. He returned in the same
ship with Linschoten, which sailed from Cochin on January
20, 1 589 ; and from him comes most of the information of the
Itinerario about the navigation of the China seas. In 1 598 he
piloted the Dutch fleet on its first voyage by the South-West
Passage (of ^Magellan's Straits) to India. His notes on India
are occasionally embedded in Linschoten ; but their only
proper edition was in Lucas Jansz Waghenaer's Tliresoor der
Zeevaert (Leyden, 1 592). The Itinerario of Linschoten, as we
have suggested, contains the results, not only of Linschoten's
own experience, but of that of many other travellers ; and the
author, it is clear, was a collector of Hakluytian industry and
judgment. He appears to have been hard at work upon it
from the time of his return to Enkhuizen (September 3,
Introduction ix
1592) until the complete publication of this encyclopaedic
survey of 'Cape Commerce' and 'Cape Routes' in the
beginning of 1596, On October 8, 1594, the States-General
of Holland granted him a formal licence to publish, but the
book was not then ready, although parts of it seem to have
been informally circulated, and all its chief suggestions were
known to and discussed among the leaders of Dutch com-
merce during 1595.
In compiling his great book Linschoten was greatly
helped by the eminent scholar, Bernard ten Broecke, the
physician of Enkhuizen, who in the world of letters was
known as Paludanus, the Latin equivalent of his surname,
for scholars were still ashamed to be known as John
Brewer and Jim Baker. Many of the notes and not a few
passages interpolated into the text are from the hand of
Paludanus, whose comments, though learned enough, are
not always as much in touch with fact and nature as could
be desired.
The Itinerario is divided into three principal books or parts,
the first containing the narrative of the journey proper, in
ninety-nine chapters, running to six hundred and twenty-
seven pages in the Hakluyt Society's (1885) reprint of the
English translation of 1598. In the second part (the first
to be published, in 1595) is a collection of the routes from
Europe to East and West Indies alike, in many cases trans-
lated from unpublished manuscripts of Portuguese and
Spanish pilots ; here is also an abundant mass of notes on
the routes of the China seas. This part of Linschoten's work
had great political importance ; it served as the chief guide
to the Dutch fleets in their early expeditions to the East,
and in their first attempts to wrest the mastery of the
Indies from Spain and Portugal. In the third part we have
X Voyages and Travels
a brief description of the East and West coasts of Africa
and a fuller account of America, mostly taken from earlier
writers, such as Lopez on the Congo ; Jean de Lery on
Brazil ; Peter Martyr and Oviedo on America in general.
The Itinerario was originally illustrated by thirty-six maps,
plans, and copperplate illustrations ; in the Old English
version of 1598 there are twenty-one topographical plates
and thirty-two portraits and views. The world-map in the
Dutch edition professes to be by J. Bapt. Vrient of Antwerp,
famous as the publisher who bought the Atlas of Ortelius,
and brought out an enlarged edition of the same. In the
English edition the mappe-monde has the title Orbis terrarutii
typus de integro inuliis in locis emendatus, Auctore Petro
PlanciOy 1594; and in the left-hand corner, below the figure
called Mextcana, is the inscription loannes a Duetecum [i.e.
Doetechum] junior fecit. The other maps, in the English
edition, include one of South-east Africa and part of the
Indian Ocean, one of Western and Southern Asia from
Egypt to Aracan {imprinted at Lo?idon by John Wolfe,
graven by Robert Beckit), one of Indo-China and the East
Indian Archipelago, one of South Africa (graven by William
Rogers), one of all Africa except the western hump, one
of South America, one of South-western Africa and the
Atlantic, one of Madagascar or St. Lawrence Island, one
of Sumatra, one of Java Major, one of the Congo region,
four of St. Helena (an engraved map and three profiles),
one of Goa by Linschoten himself, one of Angra in Ter-
ceira (Azores), one of the two hemispheres (in small scale),
and one of Spain. ^ From the resolutions of the States-
General of Holland it appears that in 1592 Cornelius
^ See De Jonge, De opkomst van het Nederl. gezag in O. India, vol. i.
pp. 167-9; Tiele, intro. to Hak. Soc. ed. of Linschoten, pp. xvii-xix, xxx-xxxiii.
Introduction xi
Claesz of Amsterdam, the printer and publisher of the
Itinerario, aided by Peter Plancius, obtained a collection
of sea-charts and routiers from Bartolommeo de Lasso,
cosmographer to the King of Spain. The States gave
Claesz a patent for printing and publishing not only the
aforesaid, but also a mappe-monde or layid and sea-chart of
the world, drawn by Plancius and engraved by Joannes a
Doetechum, as well as a chart of Asia made by an expert
in the art of navigation at Goa in East India, The world-
map of the Itinerario appears to be a reduced copy of
the above-mentioned mappe-monde of Plancius ; and exten-
sive loans from De Lasso's collection are apparent in
several of the sea-charts in Linschoten's work.
After his return from the East, Linschoten took part
in the Dutch Arctic voyages of 1594 and 1595. In 1595
the first Dutch fleet sailed for the ' Indies of the Orient,'
and we know from the journals of the expedition that the
Itinerario was of the utmost value as a guide and direc-
tory. The second part of the same, comprising the Nautical
Directory and Routes for the Indian and China seas, was
already published (as we have pointed out) in 1595, and
was greatly used on board the ships of this fleet ; much
also of the most important matter in the first part had
been orally communicated to the leaders of the venture;
and it is clear that the course of the voyage beyond the
Cape of Good Hope and its special direction upon Java
was due to the suggestions of Linschoten, who promised
his countrymen a practical monopoly of the Java trade,
'for that the Portingales come not thither.'
In 1598 Linschoten (now settled in Enkhuizen for good)
published a Dutch version of the great treatise of the Jesuit
Acosta on Spanish America {^Historia natural y moral de las
xii Voyages and Travels
Indias), a work which he praises as far superior to the
American sections of the third part of his own Itinerario ;
and in the same year Lucas Jansz Waghenaer in the pre-
face to his new Enkhiiizen Zeekaertboek thanks Linschoten
for his help in the same, based on material derived from his
northern voyages. In i6io our traveller petitioned the
States-General — unsuccessfully — for a pension ; he did not
long survive this rebuff; on the 8th February 1611 he died,
at the very early age of forty-eight.
The Itinerario is one of the most valuable travel-records
ever published, not only for its own subject-matter, but
because it revealed to Holland and to other rivals of Spain
and Portugal how weak the Eastern Empire of Philip II.
really was. It thus played a most important part in exciting
these rivals to active hostility in the East Indies, to the
vigorous and persistent carrying out of what Drake had
threatened in 1579, and Cavendish in 1587. As its political
importance was speedily recognised, it soon met with readers
out of the Netherlands. The famous old English translation
(as well as a German) was published in 1598; two Latin
versions appeared in 1599, and a French translation in
1610.
The English edition, here in part reprinted, is anonymous,
but in the title to the second part {The true and perfect
description of . . , Guinea . . . ) W, P. (William Phillip?) is
styled the translator. The version here given is loose, peri-
phrastic, and super-abundant, constantly introducing words
which are not in the original, and are not always warranted
by the original. It also misses not infrequently the exact
meaning of technical terms. On the whole, nevertheless,
it gives a good broad view of all that Linschoten has to say,
though it requires checking in details.
Introduction xiii
The notes of Paladanus, both in and out of the text, are
omitted in the present reprint, which also abridges the text
in many places,^ and omits practically the whole of
Linschoten's lengthy description of Indian lands, manners,
markets, products, peoples, fauna and flora, extending from
chapter v. to chapter xcii., from vol. i. p. 43 to vol. ii. p. 1 58 in
the Hakluyt Society's edition of the complete Old English
translation (i 596-1885 ; see pp. 1-126 of this volume).^
Passing by the next two tracts, both relating to the
destruction of Spanish and Portuguese Carracks in 1592-4
by English seamen (see vol. ii. pp. 129-150), we come to
the Miserable Captivity of Richard Hasleton (pp. 151- 180),
originally printed in 1595, under the title Strange and
Wonderful Things happened to Rd. Hasleton, born at
Braintree in Essex^ in his ten years' travels in many foreign
countries. This is illustrated by various cuts, said to be
taken from Poliphilo. The scene on p. 157, where Hasleton,
urged to take the cross into his hand, spits in the inquisitor's
face, is very typical ; not less so is the protest on p. 168,
'Can any man which understandeth the absurd blindness
and wilful ignorance of the Spanish tyrants, or Romish
monsters, think them to be of the true Church ? which de-
fend their faith with fire, sword, and hellish torments.' ... In
^ E.g. pp. 3, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, vol. ii. of the present collection.
^ Much has been written, and more conjectured, about early Portuguese
knowledge of the interior of Africa, the great lakes, the Nile sources, etc. A
valuable hint as to this is afforded by a passage in Linschoten, Hak, Soc. edn.,
i. 31 ; this is omitted in our present reprint, but properly occurs after the words
mine named Montniotapa on p. 17 of vol. ii. : ' in the which land is a great lake
out of which you may perceive the river Nilus to spring forth, as likewise the
great and wide river of Cuama or Niger [Quilimane? i.e. Zambesi], which
runneth between Sofala and Mozambique into the sea. This, taken in connec-
tion with the Pigafetta map of 1591, may well be thought to prove a remarkable
though unsifted and often vague knowledge of Upland Africa among the six-
teenth century Portuguese.
xiv Voyages and Travels
Hasleton, even better than in Phillips or Hartop, we have
the perfect prototype of Salvation Yeo.
Hakluyt's note (pp. 182-5) on the antiquity of English
trade in the Levant, which follows, traces this East
Mediterranean commerce or ' Turkey Trade,' grown to such
importance under Elizabeth, from the early years of Henry
VIII. (15 1 1, 1 5 12, etc.); while the voyage of the Earl o^
Cumberland, in 1589, to the Azores (pp. 186-212) forms an
interesting chapter in the English counter-stroke after the
ruin of the Spanish Armada of 1588; just as the fight of
the Dolphin against five Turkish men-of-war, off Cagliari
in Sardinia, in 1616, is a typical episode in the constant
struggle of Mediterranean trade against Moslem piracy (see
vol. ii. pp. 213-220). The Battle of Lepanto had scotched
but not killed the snake : Europe was not finally freed from
Mohammedan pirates until the French conquest of Algiers
in 1830, though during the seventeenth century the nuisance
was reduced to small dimensions.
Edward Wright, the annalist of Lord Cumberland's 1589
voyage, was the greatest scientific geographer of Elizabethan
England. He was born about 1558, at Garveston in Norfolk,
and became a Fellow of Caius, Cambridge, in 1587, soon
after which he devoted himself to the study of navigation
as a branch of mathematics. His most famous work,
Certain Errors in Navigation, was published in 1599, and
in 1614 he was appointed Lecturer in Navigation to the
East India Company. He died in 1615, having won the
position of the ' English Mercator ' by his emended form of
the famous projection of Gerard Kaufmann (' Mercator'),
originally published in 1556. The present narrative is ex-
tracted from Certain Errors ifi Navigatio)i (cf also Purchas's
Pilgrivies, iv. 1142-4, ed. of 1625).
Introduction xv
Sir Francis Drake revived {see vol. ii. pp. 221-294)13 an
account of the so-called 'third' West Indian voyage of the
great leader, that of 1 572-3 to the Spanish Main. The region
ofTierra Firme,or Golden Castille,then formed part, officially,
of the Province of Hispaniola (Espafiola), whose capital was
at San Domingo. Since the discovery of the Peruvian silver
mines in 1545, its ports had acquired immense importance
as the points from which most of the treasure was shipped
to Europe. We have already met with Drake in connec-
tion with the Hawkins voyages ; it may be well to add
here that he was born at Crowndale, near Tavistock, in
Devonshire, in or about 1545 ; and made his first voyage to
the West Indies with Captain Lovell in 1565-6, his second
American voyage with Hawkins in the disastrous venture
of 1567-8, his third (so far as known) in 1570, his fourth in
1571. The expedition of 1572-3 was in reality, therefore,
his fifth to the New World. All the three latter claimed to
be (as we are told in Drake revived \ see vol. ii. p. 228)
voyages of revenge, attempts to pay back to Spain the
personal injuries received at Rio de la Hacha in his first
venture, and at San Juan de Ulua (' Ulloa ') in his second.
They were also probably intended as diversions in the
larger political struggle of England and Elizabeth against
the Counter-Reformation, which assumed so acute a form
in 1569-70.
As pirates, filibusters, and leviers of private war in the
West Indies, Drake and the other English raiders of this
time were preceded by French Huguenots, who sacked
Havana as far back as 1536, and since that time had made
incessant attacks upon the Spanish-American settlements
of the Atlantic seaboard, until their success emboldened
xvi Voyages and Travels
them to attempt a permanent colonisation within the
Spanish sphere of interest in Florida (1565).^
The only account of Drake's raid of 1570 is in a paper of
Spanish origin (A Summayj^ Relation of the Robberies done
by Fr. Drake), which describes it as accomplished by a
vessel of only forty tons, captained by Drake (' with whom
there went a merchant of Exeter called Rich. Dennys').
The same authority declares ' upon the coast of Xombre
de Dios they did rob divers barks in the river Chagres that
were transporting merchandise of 40,000 ducats of velvets
and taffetas, . . . besides gold and silver in other barks.'
The voyage of 1571 was almost equally ' rich and gain-
ful,' and it was now that Drake discovered his ' Port
Pheasant,' probably the 'Puerto Escondido' or 'Hidden
Haven ' of the Spaniards, about four leagues south-west of the
modern 'Caledonian Bay,' in the Gulf of Darien (see vol. ii.
p. 229, etc.). The capacities of this as a base for future
attacks upon the Spanish Main he saw at once, and in
Drake revived the extreme importance of the position is
apparent throughout. According to Lope de Vega,^ the
English captain (supposed to speak excellent Spanish) had
visited Nombre de Dios disguised as a Spaniard ; and his
accurate knowledge of the topography in 1572 may be
taken as some proof of the story of the Dragontea. Now
also Drake gained a thorough knowledge of the treasure
route from Peru to Panama, and across the isthmus to
Nombre de Dios, where ships bound for Spain waited for
their cargo.
To seize these treasures was clearly lawful for a true
1 Just as in the same generation they attempted under Coligny's inspiration to
plant themselves within the Portuguese sphere in Brazil (1558).
* Dragontea, canto i. On the other hand, it is disputed whether Drake as yet
spoke Spanish at all.
Introduction xvii
Protestant hater of Spain, whether his country were or
were not in a state of formal war with Philip II. Drake
had it from the chaplain of his own ship that he might
justly recover his losses (of 1566 and 1568) from those who
had injured him ; in fact, the ' case was clear in sea divinity,
and few are such infidels as not to believe doctrines which
make for their profit.' ^
The spring of 1572, in which began the voyage whose
story we have in Drake revived^ saw the start of a number
of French and English vessels, half-traders, half-privateers,
for Spanish America, — some twenty from Havre, at least
two (besides Drake himself) from England. One of these
was under James Ranse or Raunce,^ probably the former
master of the William and Johji in Hawkins' last voyage ;
the other was captained by John Garrett, probably the
master of the Minion which escaped with such difficulty
from the San Juan de Ulua fight in the venture of 1567-8.
Raunce joined Drake off the Spanish Main a little later
in this same year (see vol. ii. pp. 232-3) ; Garrett left
^ Fuller, Holy State, p. 124 (ed. of 1648).
^ Froude (Eiiglish Seamen, pp. 108-9 J ed. of 1895) is the only person who has
challenged the authenticity of Sir Francis Drake revived, without any adequate
reasons given or apparently forthcoming. The value of this booklet is of the first
order ; from it we derive almost all our knowledge of Drake's early feats in the
West Indies and Spanish Main. From the dedication to Elizabeth, dated
January i, 1592-3, and written by Sir Francis himself, it would look as if,
according to Court custom, he had presented the manuscript to the queen as
a New Year's gift (cf. Corbett, Drake, i. 422).
Spanish versions of this expedition, strikingly confirmatory of Drake revived,
may be found in the Record Office Manuscript ' Spanish State Papers,' xviii., of
January 1580, called Memoria de los Cossarios Ingleses que han hecho robas en las
Indias. In this paper the names of various owners of shipping captured or
destroyed by Drake are given, along with a fairly minute account of the other
English depredations. We may also cf. Hakluyt's extract from the Discourse of
Lopez Vaz, a Portugal, and Duro, Armada espanola, ii. 506.
^ Also spelt Rause or Rouse.
II. b 5
xviii Voyages and Travels
a warning for him at Port Pheasant that his hiding-place
had been discovered (see vol. ii. p. 230).
All these ventures — Drake's, Raunce's, and Garrett's —
appear to have had powerful backing: one authority^
makes Drake the partner of Wynter and Hawkins. It is
clear that behind him was a powerful group of navy men,
merchants, and even statesmen, and that his little squadron
was admirably fitted out, not for the execution of an ir-
regular and independent freebooting scheme, but rather for
one that needed the best equipment that England could
give.
The * Cimaroons,' Drake's native allies, who play so large
a part in the narrative, were descendants of escaped
negroes and ' Indian ' women whom the Spaniards called
' Cimarones ' or ' Hill-folk,' and the English sailors ' Maroons,'
a name of pleasantly confused idea.
It has well been pointed out^ that the nature and pro-
portion of the arms served out to the landing party which
attacked, took, but failed to hold Nombre de Dios, prove
'the action not of a mere pirate arming his desperadoes to
the teeth, but of a man acquainted with the arrangement of
a regular infantry tertia' The absence of defensive armour
was a concession to the incurable prejudice of English
seamen in this matter, so much lamented by Sir Richard
Hawkins,^ so stoutly defended by others.
The great scene in the narrative (vol. ii. p. 269), where
Drake gains his first view of the Pacific and prays for 'life
^ The Ashmole Manuscripts referred to by Corbett, Drake, i. 159. On the
other hand, Hawkins evidently felt bitterly about Drake's desertion of him after
the disaster of 1568 (see note, p. 62).
3 Cf. Corbett, Drake, i. 164-5.
' Cf. Rich. Hawkins's Observations (Hak. Soc. Ed.), pp. 302-4 (esp. 303-4),
* All men of good understanding, he declares, will condemn such desperate
ignorance.'
Introduction xix
and leave to sail once in an English ship in that sea/ has
been justly seized upon by all who have studied Elizabethan
history with any intelligence. It is indeed a decisive moment
in the history of the English people as well as in the story
of Drake's life : ' from that time forward his mind was
pricked on continually night and day to perform his vow.'^
The French captain, Tetu of ' Newhaven ' or Havre, who
joined the English raiders on March 23, 1573 (see vol. ii.
pp. 283-4, etc.), was perhaps the pilot Guillaume Le Testu of
Frangoise de Grace, who published an atlas in 1555 which
he dedicated to Coligny ; the scimitar he gave Drake was
a present from the Admiral of France, and (as our narrative
says on p. 284) formerly belonged to ' Monsieur Strozze,'
otherwise the Condottiere Strozzi.'^
Lastly, we may notice that the incident of the re-discovery
and recovery of the buried treasure by the Spaniards (as
mentioned in the narrative, vol. ii. p. 290) is confirmed in
the Dragontea of Lope de Vega ; just as the statement
about the prizes taken (vol. ii. pp. 293-4) is borne out in
general terms by the Spanish official complaint, which
names several of Drake's captures, and adds that he took
many other frigates engaged in the coasting trade of Tierra
Firme and Veragua, with a great quantity of gold, silver,
and merchandise. Among these prizes were a number of
frigates newly built, at Havana and elsewhere, by the
energy and skill of Pero Menendez de Aviles. For this
terrible enemy of the Florida Huguenots was not merely
a butcher of ' Lutherans ' (' I do this not as to French-
men but as to heretics '), he was also the man who gradu-
ally equipped the Spanish Indies with some kind of
defensive system, and to whom Philip II. owed the wisest
^ Camden. ^ See Corbett, Drake, i. 190; Margry, Navigations fran^aises, 138-9.
XX Voyages and Travels
advice he ever received from a subject in naval matters.
It was with two of these new frigates that Drake and his
company came home, and their merit is strikingly shown
by the speed of the return voyage, which was accomplished
in twenty-three days, from Cape San Antonio in Florida to
the Scilly Isles (see vol. ii. pp. 293-4). Of the two vessels
with which the ' Dragon' sailed from Plymouth, the Pasha
was apparently abandoned at the close of the campaign :
the scuttling of the original Sivan is described on pp. 244-6.
Robert Knox's Captivity in tJie Highlands of Ceyloji
(1660-79), the last item in the present collection, is also
the longest and one of the most interesting (see vol. ii.
pp. 295-429). In the original edition of 1681 it has the
title of An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon in the
East Indies, together with an Account of the detaining in
captivity [of] the author, etc. ; there is a preface by Robert
Hooke, M.D., who probably helped Knox to some extent
in the polishing of his work. It is the earliest detailed
account of Ceylon in English,^ and by far the most valuable
study of the interior which had been made in any European
language up to this time. A Dutch translation appeared
in 1692, a French one in 1693, a German in 1747. Robert
Knox was born in 1640 or 1641, and lived till 1720. His
father, a Scotsman of strong Puritan principles, had the
same name as himself, and was, as we see from the narra-
tive, a commander in the East India Company's service.
He was made prisoner with his son and died on Feb. 9,
1660, leaving his unfortunate boy to grow to middle age
in captivity. The latter, miserable as he usually was,
employed his time admirably in observing and recording
native customs, natural features, and recent Cinghalese
^ Cf. vol. i. of Harris' Navigantium Bibliotheca, pp. 67S, 811, 844, 938.
Introduction xxi
tradition After his escape he seems to have developed
a morose temper and decided roughness of manner : his
hatred of women was vehemently expressed in his letters:
in Ceylon he rejects all offers of alliance with native females
simply from the fear of thus increasing the difficulty of his
escape.
Knox's captivity occurred during the long reign of
Raja Singha II. (1635-85), the one hundred and seventy-
second king since Vijaya, in B.C. 543, came from Palibothra
on the Ganges to the sacred isle of Lanka.
'Ceylon was well known to the ancients under the name
of Taprobane,' so every manual will tell us ; but un-
questionably under that name there is often a confusion
between our Sumatra and Ceylon itself: both in Ptolemy
(as ' Taprobane '), and in the Periphis of the Erythraean Sea
(as * Palaesimundus'), it appears as an island of gigantic
size. Onesicritus and Megasthenes, Strabo and Pliny, all
have something to say of Taprobane ; under Claudius, Julian,
Theodosius II., and Justinian, intercourse with the Roman
Empire is recorded ; and the names of Annius Plocamus
in the first century, of Scholasticus in the fifth, of Sopater
and Cosmas Indicopleustes in the sixth, have been pre-
served as those of visitors from the Mediterranean world to
Sielediva. In the same way Fa Hien {c. A.D. 410) and Khi-nie
{c. 970) made their way thither from the opposite end of
the • Habitable World '—from that ' Land of Han,' * Celes-
tial,' or * Middle ' Kingdom which had so close a bond with
all centres of Buddhist faith, literature, and relic-treasure.
^ In Ptolemy (if. A.D. 130) it is drawn as larger than Spain, and occupying
most of the space that should have been given to the Indian Peninsula ; in the
Periplus, c. A.D. 90, it is described as of immense length, roughly like the shape
of our Sumatra, but far greater, and bearing no perceptible resemblance to
Ceylon.
xxii Voyages and Travels
Hiouen-Thsang (a.d. 628-649), however, the greatest of
Chinese travellers, though he evidently longed to see the
matchless jewels of Ceylon, did not touch there himself.
In the first half of the fifteenth century (1405-59), the
island appears to have paid tribute to China, renewing then
in more tangible form a shadowy allegiance of the earlier
Middle Ages.
Among the Christian travellers ^ of the Mediaeval Period
who reached Southern and Eastern Asia, many refer to
Ceylon, but few visited it, before the discovery of the ocean
route round the Cape. Marco Polo and Bishop John de
Marignolli are exceptions {c. A.D. 1293-4, and 1347-9). Even
Nicolo Conti, though perhaps the first European to describe
the cinnamon of Seyllan, does not seem to have landed
{c. 1440).
On the other hand, the Arabs were constant visitors.
Fa Hien found them there, two centuries before Moham-
med. Serendib is one of the best-known points in the
ninth and tenth century geography of Suleyman the mer-
chant, Abu Zeyd Hassan, and Sindbad the Sailor ; one of
the clearest accounts of Ceylon before the advent of the
Portuguese is that of the ' Doctor of Tangier,' Ibn Batuta
{c. 1336 A.D.).
After Diego Cao, Bartholomew Diaz, Covilhao, and Vasco
da Gama had opened the African or S.E. route to the
Indies, an Italian trader, Girolamo di S. Stefano of Genoa,
stayed a very short time in the island in 1498 or 1499. In
1506, the great traveller Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna,
journeying by ' Arab ' routes, touched at a port on the
1 Friar Odoric of Pordenone, Bishop Jordanus of Columbum (Quilon), and
John of Hesse are among the 'Latins' who wrote most fully of Seyllan or
Sillan, but did not make a personal inspection.
Introduction xxiii
west coast : as usual, he contrives to give more information
in ten lines than most men in ten chapters.
The Portuguese knew Ceylon, as a coveted possession, from
1505, when under their boy-leader Lawrence or Lourengo,
the hero son of the first Viceroy, Francisco de Almeyda,
they attempted to gain a footing in the island, at Point de
Galle. Afifonso de Albuquerque (1509-15), as second
Governor-General, seems to have meant to establish a
fortress on some point of the coast ; but the actual Portu-
guese dominion only began in 15 17, when Lopo Soares de
Albergaria appeared before Colombo and obtained permis-
sion to build a ' castle ' there. The natives soon repented
of their concession, and attacked the new settlement in
force. Being vigorously repulsed, they acknowledged
themselves, according to the conquerors' version, tribu-
taries and vassals of the King of Portugal (see Camoens,
Lusiads, x. 51). It is clear, however, that the people of the
hilly upland struggled pretty successfully against the
permanent extension of the Portuguese dominion. In 1542,
and again in 1581, the dying rulers of ' Conde,' or Kandy,
bequeathed their dominions to the Europeans, and in
1547-50 the Portuguese almost established themselves in
the central fastnesses. In 1593-5 they did actually gain
momentary possession of Kandy ; and in 1560 they carried
off and burnt the original tooth-relic of Buddha; but all
these successes were transient. The Cinghalese refused to
be willed away to foreign masters, and succeeded in repuls-
ing each advance of their enemy, beyond the coastal low-
lands. At the end of the sixteenth century, Linschoten
(though perhaps with exaggeration) describes Colombo as
the only real possession of the subjects of Philip 11. in the
island, 'which by mere force and great charges is main-
xxiv Voyages and Travels
tained, for that they have no other place or piece of ground,
no not one foot but that in all the land.' (See Linschoten,
Itinerario, book i. chaps, xiii., xiv., xcii.). In 1587-8, Raja
Singha I. fiercely but unsuccessfully attacked this ' small,
strong, well-guarded' fort; and in 1595 the extreme bar-
barities of the would-be conqueror, Jerome de Azavedo, failed
to crush the resistance of a people whom he drove to
despair. Though he occupied Kandy, he could not make
his raid produce any lasting results.
The Dutch paid their first visit to Ceylon in 1602 ; and
between 1638 and 1658 they wholly expelled the Portu-
guese, substituting themselves as masters at Trincomali in
1639, at Point de Galle in 1640, at Colombo in 1656. Their
timid and irresolute policy towards the native powers (as
well as the studied cruelty of the Portuguese) is well brought
out in Knox's narrative (see esp. ii. pp. 409-420). Here also
is a very early notice of that vigorous onward movement
of the French, which, in 1672, brought them from Madagas-
car, Bourbon, and the Isle de France to Ceylon and the
Coromandel Coast, and which in spite of all discourage-
ments continued apparently to prosper and progress till
Dupleix made France for a moment (1742-50) the dominant
power in the Deccan (see vol. ii. pp. 421-25).
The Cinghalese practice of detaining white visitors was
not at all peculiar. Instances of it are common enough
among semi-civilised nations : the most famous example,
perhaps, is that of Abyssinia, where, to give only one
instance among many, the first Portuguese envoy to the
court of Prester John, Pero de Covilhao, was kept as a hostage
to the day of his death (from 1490 to 1520).
C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY.
Oct. 24M, 1902.
Jan Huyghen van Linschoten.
Voyage^ in a Portuguese carrack^ to Goa^
in 1583 A.D.
{Discourse 0/ Voyages &'c., 1598.]
This celebrated Narrative of a journey to India and back (besides being an
Eye Witness description of the economy of a Carrack) contains precise
information respecting Portuguese affairs in India, ata time when the
already enormous wealth of the Crown of Spain was being rendered
almost omnipotent by the vast additional treasures brought to Lisbon
in the yearly Fleet of Portuguese carracks : and also, at its close,
gives us a large account of the splendid doings of the English fleets
off the Azores, in 1 589 ; including the last fight of the Revenge, and
the dying speech of its Commander, Vice Admiral Sir RiCHARD
Grenville.
2 LiNSCHOTEN STARTS ON HIS TRAVELS, [
J.H.
Linschoten.
1594
EiNG young and living idly in my native
country, sometimes applying myself to the
reading of histories and strange adventures,
wherein I took no small delight ; I found
my mind so much addicted to see and
travel into strange countries thereby to
seek some adventure, that in the end to
satisfy myself, I determined and was fully
resolved, for a time, to leave my native country and my
friends (although it grieved me) ; yet the hope I had to
accomplish my desire together with the resolution taken, in
the end, overcame my affection, and put me in good comfort
to take the matter upon me ; trusting in GOD, that He
would further my intent.
Which done, being resolved, thereupon I took leave of my
parents, who then dwelt at Enkhuisen; and being ready to
embark myself, I went to a fleet of ships that as then lay
before the Texel, staying for the wind to sail for Spain and
Portugal : where I embarked myself in a ship that was
bound for San Lucar de Barameda, being determined to
travel unto Seville, where as then I had two brethren that
had continued there certain years before ; so to help myself
the better, and by their means to know the manner and
custom of those countries, as also to learn the Spanish
tongue.
And the 6i:h of December in the year of our Lord 1576, we
put out of the Texel, being in all about eighty ships ; and
set our course for Spain : and the 9th of the same month we
passed between Dover and Calais.
Within three days after, we had sight of Cape Finisterre,
and the 15th of the same month, we saw the land of Cintra
o:herwise called Cape Roca ; from w'hence the river Tagus
runneth into the main sea, upon the which river lieth the
famous city of Lisbon : where some of our fleet put in, and
left us.
The 17th day, we saw Cape St. Vincent ; and upon
Christmas day after, we entered into the river of San
Lucar de Barameda ; where I stayed two or three days,
and then travelled to Seville. On the first day of January
J. H. V. Linschoten.] ^ND ARRIVES AT SeVILLE. 3
[1577] following, I entered into the city, where I found one
of my brethren ; but the other was newly ridden to Court,
lying, as then, at Madrid.
Although I had a special desire presently [at once] to
travel farther ; yet for want of the Spanish tongue, without
the which men can hardly pass through the country, I was
constrained to stay there to learn some part of their language.
In the meantime, it chanced that Don Henry, the last
King of Portugal died : by which means a great contention
and debate happened as then in Portugal ; by reason that
the said King by his will and testament, made Philip [II.J
King of Spain, his sister's son, lawful heir unto the Crown
of Portugal. Notwithstanding the Portuguese — always
deadly enemies to the Spaniards — were wholly against it,
and elected for their King, Don Antonio, Prior of Ocrato,
brother's son to the King that died before Don Henry :
which the King of Spain hearing, presently prepared himself
in person to go into Portugal to receive the crown ; sending
before him the Duke of Alva with a troop of men to cease
their strife, and pacify the matter. So that, in the end,
partly by force and partly by money, he brought the country
under his subjection.
Whereupon divers men went out of Seville and other
places into Portugal ; as it is commonly seen that men are
often addicted to changes and new alterations : among the
which my brother, by other men's counsels, was one. First
travelling to the borders of Spain, to a city called Badajos,
standing on the frontiers of Portugal ; where they hoped to
find some better means : and they were no sooner arrived
there, but that they heard news that all was quiet in Portugal,
and the Don Antonio was driven out of the country; and
Philip, by the consent of the land, received for King.
Whereupon my brother presently changed his mind of
travelling to Portugal, and entered into service with an
Ambassador that on the King's behalf was to go into Italy ;
with whom he rode : and arriving in Salamanca, he fell sick
of a disease called tahardilla [the spotted fever], which at that
time reigned [raged] throughout the whole country of Spain,
whereof many thousands died; and amongst the rest, my
brother was one.
4 Journeys to Lisbon in 1577, and [J. h. v. iwhoten
Not long before, the plague was so great in Portugal, that,
in two years space, there died in Lisbon to the number of
So, 000 people. After which plague ; the aforesaid disease
ensued, which wrought great destruction throughout the
whole country of Spain.
The 5th day of August in the same year, having some
understanding in the Spanish tongue, I placed myself with a
Dutch gentleman who had determined to travel into Portugal
to see the country, and stayed with him, to take a more
convenient time for my pretended [ijitended] voyage.
Upon the ist of September following, we departed from
Seville : and passing through divers towns and villages,
within eight days after, we arrived at Badajos, where I found
my other brother following the Court.
At the same time, died Anne of Austria, Queen of Spain —
sister to the Emperor Rodolph [IL] and daughter to the
Emperor Maximilian [IL] — the King's fourth and last wife ;
for whom great sorrow was made through all Spain. Her
body was conveyed from Badajos to the Cloister of Saint
Laurence in the Escorial ; where, with great solemnity, it
was buried.
We having stayed certain days in Badajos, departed from
thence; and passed through a town called Elvas, about two
or three miles off, being the first town in the kingdom of
Portugal; for that between it and Badajos the borders of
Spain and Portugal are limited.
From thence, we travelled into divers other places of
Portugal, and at the last arrived at Lisbon, about the 20th
of September following; where, at that time, we found the
Duke of Alva, as Governor there for the King of Spain : the
whole city making great preparation for the coronation of the
King, according to the custom of their countr}'.
We being in Lisbon, through the change of air and the cor-
ruption of the country, I fell sick : and during my sickness
was seven times let blood [bled^\; yet, by GOD's help, I
escaped.
Being recovered, not having much preferment under the
gentleman, I left his service ; and placed myself with a
merchant, \ntil I might attain to better means.
J. H. V. Linschoten.1 g^^YS THERE FIVE YEARS, I577-82. 5
About the same time, the plague, not long before newly
begun, began again to cease ; for the which cause the King
till then had deferred his entrance into Lisbon : which being
wholly ceased; upon the first day of May, anno 15S1, he
entered with great triumph and magnificence into the city.
Where, above all others, the Dutchmen had the best and
greatest commendation for the beautiful shows : which were
a gate and a bridge that stood upon the river side where the
King must first pass as he went out of his galley to enter into
the city; being beautified and adorned with many costly and
excellent things most pleasant to behold. Every street and
place within the city was hung with rich cloths of tapestry
and arras : where they made great triumphs, as the manner
is at all Princes' coronations.
The same year, the 12th of December, the Duke of Alva
died in Lisbon, in the King's palace ; being High Steward of
Spain : who, during his sickness, for fourteen days, received
no sustenance but only women's milk. His body, being
seared and spicen [embalmed], was conveyed into his country
of Alva.
The same month, the King being yet at Lisbon, died Don
Diego, Prince of Spain and Portugal, the King's eldest
son. His body being embalmed, was conveyed to Madrid.
After whose death, the King had but one son named Don
Philip, and two daughters living.
About the same time, there arrived at Lisbon, the King's
sister, widow to the deceased Emperor Maximilian ; and
with her, one of her daughters, who being lame, was placed
in a Monastery of Nuns. They with great triumph were
likewise received into the city.
After the death of Don Diego, the King's eldest son, all
the Lords and Estates of Spain and Portugal, as well
spiritual as temporal, assembled at Lisbon, and there, in
the King's presence, according to the ancient custom and
manner of the country, took their oaths of faith [fealty] and
allegiance unto Don Philip, the young Prince of Spain, and
next heir and lawful successor of the King his father, in his
dominions of Spain, Portugal, and other lands and countries.
The next year, anno 1582, a great navy of ships was
prepared in Lisbon, whose General [Admiral] was the
Marquis of Santa Cruz. He was accompanied with the
6 Enters the service of Abp. Fonseca. [J- h. v. Linschoten.
principal gentlemen and captains, both of Spain and Por-
tugal ; who, at their own costs and charges therein, to show
the great affection and desire they had to serve their Prince,
sailed with the said Navy to the Flemish Isles [the Azores]
to fight with Don Antonio ; who lay about those isles with
a fleet of Frenchmen, whose General [Admiral] was one
Phillipo Strozzi.
These two fleets meeting together, fought most cruelly, to
the great loss of both parts : yet in the end, Don Antonio
with his Frenchmen were overthrown, and many of them
taken prisoners. Among the which were divers gentlemen
of great account in France : who, by the Marquis's com-
mandment, were all beheaded on the island of St. Michael.
The rest, being brought into Spain, were put into the galleys.
Don Antonio escaped in a small ship; and the General
Strozzi also, who being hurt in the battle, died of the same
wound.
By this victory, the Spaniards were so proud, that great
triumph was holden in Lisbon for the same ; and the
Marquis of Santa Cruz received therein with great joy.
Which done, and all things being pacified in Portugal, the
King left his sister's son, Don i\LBERTUS Cardinal of Austria,
Governor of Lisbon and the whole country ; and, with the
Cardinal's mother, returned and kept Court at Madrid in
Spain.
The begin?ting of my voyage into the
East or Portuguese Indies.
Taying at Lisbon, the trade of merchandise there
not being great, by reason of the new and fresh
disagreeing of the Spaniards and Portuguese; occa-
sion was offered to accomplish my desire.
There was, at that time, in Lisbon, a monk of Saint
Dominic's order, named Don Frey Vincente de Fonseca,
of a noble house : who, by reason of his great learning, had
of long time been Chaplain unto Sebastian, King of
Portugal, and being with him in the battle in Barbary
where King Sebastian was slain, was taken prisoner, and
J. H.».Linschoten.-| '^UE FlEET OF CaRRACKS sets SAIL. 7
from thence ransomed. Whose learning and good behaviour
being known to the King of Spain, he made great account of
him; placing him in his own chapel: and desiring to prefer
him, the Archbishopric of all the Indies being void, with the
confirmation of the Pope, he invested him therewith ; al-
though he refused to accept it, fearing the long and tedious
travel he had to make thither. But in the end, through the
King's persuasion, he took it upon him; with a promise,
within four, or five years at the furthest, to recall him home
again, and to give him a better place in Portugal : with the
which promise he took the voyage upon him.
I, thinking upon my affairs, used all the means I could to
get into his service, and with him to travel the voyage which
I so much desired : which fell out as I would wish.
For my brother that followed the Court, had desired his
master, who was one of His Majesty's Secretaries, to make
him Purser in one of the ships that, the same year, should
sail unto the East Indies : which pleased me well ; foras-
much that his master was a great friend and acquaintance of
the Archbishop's. By which means, with small intreaty, I
was entertained in the Bishop's service ; and, amongst the
rest, my name was written down : we being in all forty
persons.
And because my brother had his choice which ship he
would be in, he chose the ship wherein the Archbishop sailed,
the better for us to help each other: and, in this manner, we
prepared ourselves to make our voyage.
There were in all five ships, of the burden of 1,400 or 1,500
tons each ship. Their names were, the admiral [i.e., the flag
ship] San Felipe, the vice-admiral San Jago : these were two
new ships, one bearing the name of the King, the other of
his son. The other three were named the San Lorenzo, San
Francisco, and our ship the San Salvador.
Upon the 8th of April, being Good Friday, in the year of
our Lord 1583 (which commonly is the time when their
ships set sail, within four or five days under or over), we, all
together, issued out of the river of Lisbon and put to sea,
setting our course for the island of Madeira : and so putting
our trust in GOD (without whose favour and help we can
do nothing, and all our actions are but vain) we sailed
forwards.
i i
8 The Pay of the Officers and Men [J- "• v. linscho.^
7/je ?nan?ier and order used in the ships
in their Indian voyages.
^He ships are commonly charged with 400 or 500
men at the least ; sometimes more, sometimes less,
as there are soldiers and sailors to be found.
When they go out, they are but lightly laden with
only certain pipes of wine and oil, and some small quantity
of merchandise. Other things have they not, but ballast and
victuals for the company. For the most and greatest ware that
is commonly sent into India are Rials of Eight [=436 reis
=5S. 9^. thcn = £i i^s.Gd. now. The present Mexican dollar]'.
because the principal Factors for Pepper do every year send
a great quantity of money therewith to buy pepper; as also
divers particular merchants, it being the least ware [smallest
in bulk] that men can carry into India. So that in these Rials
of Eight, they gain at least forty per cent.
When the ships are out of the river, and entered into the
sea, all their men are mustered, as well sailors as soldiers ;
and such as are found absent and left on land, being registered
in the books, are marked by the Purser, that at their return
they may talk with their sureties (for that every man putteth
in sureties) : and the goods of such as are absent, being found
in the ship, are presently brought forth and priced [appraised]
and an inventory thereof being made, they are left to be
disposed of at the Captain's pleasure. The like is done with
the goods of those that die in the ship. But little cometh to
the owner's hands, being embezzled and privily made away.
The Master and Pilot have for their whole voyage forth
and home again, each man 120 Milreis' [=£"80 then=£^8o
' The present Portuguese Milreis is a silver coin about 4^. 4/4d. in
value ; and is roughly calculated at 4)4 Milreis to the £1 sterling. But
the Milreis referred to by LiNSCHOTEN was a gold coin, and as such is
quoted by John Mellis (at /. 155 of his edition of Robert Record's
Ground of Artes, in 1586) among " the most usual gold coins throughout
Christendom," a? being worth \y. 4//.
The Portuguese Ducat was Two-fifths of the Milreis, and would be,
proportionately, ^s. 4^/. ; but LiNSCHOTEN, at p. 459 of the original
English edition of 1598, quotes it at ^s. 6d. We shall, however, for uni-
formity sake, herein take it (on Mellis's equivalent of 13^. ^d. for
Milreis) at 5^^. ^d. : and in estimating for corresponding value in the pre-
sent day, shall multiply by Six,
J. H. V. Linschoten."! q^ BOARD THE CaR RACKS. 9
now] every Milreis [=135. 4^.] being worth in Dutch money
seven Guilders. And because the reckoning of Portuguese
money is only in one sort of money called Rcis — whereof
160 [^roughly 2S. then] are as much as a Keyser's Guilder or
four [Spanish] Rials of Silver [each=zroughly 40 Reis=^6d. then] ;
so that two Reis are four Pence, and One Rei, is two Pence
of Holland. I have thought it good to set it down the better
to show and make you understand the accounts they use by
Reis in the country of Portugal.
But returning to our matter, I say Master and the Pilot do
receive beforehand each man 24,000 Reis [==24 Milreis=
£16 then=£g6 now]. Besides that, they have both chambers
under in the ship and cabins above the hatches ; as also
*' primage," and certain tons of freight. The like have all
the other officers in the ship, according to their degrees ; and
although they receive money in hand, yet it costeth them
more in gifts before they get their places ; which are given by
favour and goodwill of the Proveador, who is the Chief
Officer of the Admiralty.
Yet there is no certain ordinance for their pay, for that it
is daily altered : but let us reckon the pay which is commonly
given, according to the ordinance and manner of our ship
for that year.
The Chief Boatswain hath for his whole pay 50,000 Reis
[=50 Milreis=£^^ 13s. 4^. t}icn=:£200 now], and receiveth
10,000 Reis [=10 Milrcis=^£6 13s. 4^. then=£j[0 now] in
ready money.
The Guardian, that is the Quarter Master, hath 1,400 Reis
[=:i8s. 8^. the}i = £^ 12s. now] the month ; and for freight,
2,800 [=£1 17s. 4^. then=^£ii 4s. 7iow] ; and receiveth 7,000
Reis [=7 Milrcis=^£^ 13s. 4^/. thcn=£2S now] in ready
money.
The Seto Piloto, which is the Master's Mate, hath 1,200
Reis [=i6s. thcn=£^ i6s. now], which are three ducats [5s.
/^d. each], the month; and as much freight as the Quarter
Master.
Two Carpenters and two Callafaren [?] which help them,
have, each man, four ducats [=^^1 4s. then=£j 45. now] a
month and 3,900 Reis [=£2 12s. ihcn=£i^ 12s. now] freight.
The Steward, that giveth out their meat and drink, and the
Merinho [? Master at Anns] which is he that imprisoneth men
lo The Provisioning of the Carracks. p-"-
Linschoten.
1594-
aboard, and hath charge of all the ammunition and powder,
with the delivering forth of the same, have each man a i,ioo
Reis [=145. 8d. then^£^ 8s. now] a month and 2,340 Reis
[=-^1 IIS. 2d. then^£g js. now] of freight; besides their
chambers, and freedom from customs : as also all other
officers, sailors, pikemen, shot [harquebusiers] etc. have, every
man after the rate, and every one that serveth in the ship.
The Cooper hath three ducats [^16^. od. then:=£^ 16s.
now] a month, and 3,900 Reis [=£2 12s. then=£i^ 12s. now]
of freight.
Two Strinceros [ ? ], those are they which hoist up the
mainyard by a wheel, and let it down again with a wheel,
as need is, have each 1,000 Reis [=13^. ^d. then=£^ now]
the month, and 2,800 Reis [=^^1 17s. /^d. t]ien = £ii 4s. tiow]
of freight.
Thirty-three Sailors have each man 1,000 Reis [=1135. 4^.
ihen^£^ tww] the month, and 2,800 Reis [=£1 i/S. ^d.
ihen=£ii 4s. now] freight.
Thirty-seven Rowers have each man 660 Reis [=8s. gd.
ihen=£2 12s. 6d. now] the month, and 1,860 Reis [=£1 4s. gd,
then = £y 8s. 6d. now] freight.
Four Pagiois [Cabin boys], which are boys, have with their
freight, 443 Reis [=55. 11^. ihen = £i 15s. 6d. now] the month.
One Master Gunner and eight under him, have each man
a different pay : some more, some less.
The Surgeon likewise hath no certain pay.
The Factor and the Purser have no pay but only their
chambers, that is below under the hatches a chamber of
twenty pipes (for each man ten pipes) whereof they make
great profit ; and above the hatches each man his cabin to
sleep in.
These are all the officers and other persons which sail in
the ship, which have for their portion every day in victuals,
each man alike, as well the greatest as the least, if lbs. of
biscuit, half a can of wine, a can of water ; and an arroba,
which is 32 [English] pounds of salt flesh the month, and
some dried fish. Onions and garlic are eaten in the begin-
ning of the voyage, as being of small value. Other provisions
as sugar, honey, raisins, prunes, rice and such like, are kept
for those which are sick: yet they have but little thereof; for
the officers keep it for themselves and spend it at their
J. H. V. Linschoten.j Jj^g FlEET SEPARATE AT MaDEIRA. II
pleasure, not letting much go out of their fingers. As for the
dressing of their meat, wood, pots, and pans ; every man must
make his own provision.
Besides all this, there is a Clerk and Steward for the King's
soldiers that have their parts by themselves, as the sailors
have.
This is the order and manner of their voyage when they
sail into the Indies : but when they return again, they have
no more but each man a portion of biscuit and water until
they come to the Cape of Good Hope; and from thence home,
they must find their own provisions.
The soldiers that are passengers, have nothing else but a
free passage ; that is room for a chest under the hatches, and a
place for their bed in the orlop deck : and may not come
away without the Viceroy's passport, and yet they must have
been five years soldiers in the Indies before they can have
licence. But the slaves must pay freight for their bodies and
customs to the King ; as in our voyage home again we will at
large declare [see pp. 53-67].
Madeira to Mozambique.
He 15th of April 1583, we espied the island of Ma-
deira and Porto Santo ; where the ships use [are
accustomed] to separate themselves, each ship keep-
ing on his course ; that they may get before each
other into India for their most advantage, and to dispatch
the sooner : whereby, in the night and by tides, they leave
each other's company ; each following his own way.
The 24th of April, we fell upon the coast of Guinea, which
beginneth at 9° N., and stretcheth until we come under the
Equinoctial : where we have much thunder, lightning, and
many showers of rain ; with storms of wind which pass swiftly
over and yet fall with such force, that at every shower we are
forced to strike sail, and let the mainyard fall to the middle
of the mast, and many times clean down, sometimes ten or
twelve times every day. There we find a most extreme heat,
so that all the water in the ship stinketh, whereby men are
forced to stop their noses when they drink ; but when we are
past the Equinoctial it is good again.
12 Skirmish with a French ship. [J-"-''-^^'=''°J^^
The nearer we are unto the land, the more it stormeth,
raineth, thundereth, and calmeth : so that most commonly
the ships are at the least two months before they can pass
the line. Then they find a wind which they name the
" General Wind," and it is a south-east wind : but it is a
side wind, and we must always be sidewa5^s in the wind al-
most until we come to the Cape of Good Hope.
And because that upon the coast of Brazil, about 18° S.,
lieth great flakes or shallows which the Portuguese call
abrashos, that reach seventy miles into the sea on the right
side ; to pass them the ships hold up most unto the Coast of
Guinea, and so pass the said flats.
Otherwise, if they fall too low or keep inwards, they are
constrained to turn again into Portugal, and are many times
in danger of being lost. As it happened to our admiral [flag-
sliip] San Felipe : which, in the 3'ear 15S2, fell by night upon
the flats, and was in great danger of being lost ; yet recovered
again, and sailed back to Portugal. And now, this year, to
shun the flats, she kept so near the Coast of Guinea that by
means of the great calms and rains, she was forced to drive
up and down two months together, before she could pass the
line ; and came two months after the other ships into India.
Therefore men must take heed and keep themselves from
coming too near the coast to shun the calms and storms ;
and also not to hold too far off, thereby to pass the flats and
shallows : wherein consisteth the whole Indian voyage.
The 15th of May, being about fifty miles northward of the
Equinoctial line, we espied a French ship ; which put us all
in great fear, by reason that most of our men were sick, as it
commonly happeneth in those countries through the exceed-
ing heat ; and further they are for the most part such as never
have been at sea before that time, so that they are not yet
able to do much. Yet we discharged certain great shot at
him, wherewith (afterhe had played with us for a smalltime)
he left us: so that presently we lost sight of him, wherewith
our men were in better comfort.
The same day, about evening, we descried a great ship,
which we judged to be of our fleet, as we afterwards per-
ceived : for it made towards us to speak with us, and it was
the San Francisco, wherewith we were glad.
J.H. y.Linschot«^.-j fHEY PASS THE CaPE OF GoOD HoPE. l^
The 26th of May, we passed the Equinoctial Hne, which
runneth through the middle of the island of St. Thomas, by
the coast of Guinea : and then we began to see the South Star
and to loose the North Star, and found the sun at twelve of
the clock at noon to be in the north. After that we had a
south-east wind called a " General Wind," which in those
parts bloweth all the year through.
The 29th of May, being Whitsunday, the ships of an ancient
custom, do use to choose an Emperor among themselves, and
to change all the Officers in the ship, and to hold a great feast
which continueth three or four days together. Which we
observing, chose an Emperor; and being at our banquet by
means of certain words that passed out of some of their
mouths, there fell great strife and contention among us :
which proceeded so far that the tables were thrown down and
lay on the ground [decks] and at the least a hundred rapiers
were drawn — without respecting the Captain or any other ;
for he lay under foot and they trod upon him : — and had killed
each other, and thereby had cast the ship away ; if the Arch-
bishop had not come out of his chamber among them, willing
them to cease, wherewith they stayed their hands. Who
presently commanded every man on pain of death, that all
their rapiers, poniards, and other weapons should be brought
into his chamber; which was done: whereby all things were
pacified, the first and principal beginners being punished and
laid in irons. By which means the}' were quiet.
The I2th of June, we passed beyond the aforesaid flats and
shallows of Brazil, whereof all our men were exceeding glad:
for thereby we were assured that we should not, for that time,
put back to Portugal again : as many do. Then the " General
Wind " served us until we came to the Rio de la Plata :
where we got before the wind to the Cape of Good Hope.
The 20th of the same month, the Sa7i Francisco that so
long had kept us company, was again out of sight.
The nth of July after, our Master judged us to be about
fifty miles from the Cape of Good Hope: wherefore he was
desired by the Archbishop to keep in with the land that we
might see the Cape. It was then misty weather, so that as
we had made with the land one hour or more, we perceived
land right before us and were within two miles thereof, which
by reason of the dark and misty weather we could no sooner
14 G R E A T C A T C H O F F I S H. [J- "•'• ^^'"^f^^
perceive: which put us in great fear, for our judgement was
clean contrary; but the weather beginning to clear up, we
knew the land. For it was a part or bank of the point called
False Cape, which is about fifteen miles on the side of the
Cape of Good Hope towards Mozambique.
The Cape of Good Hope lieth under 34° S. There we had
a calm and fair weather, which continuing about half a day,
we got with our lines great store of fish off the same land, in
ten or twelve fathoms of water. It is an excellent fish, much
like to haddocks. The Portuguese call them pescados [i.e.,
Ji sites] .
The 20th of the same month, we met again with the San
Francisco, and spake with her ; and so kept company together
till the 24th of Jul}', when we lost her again. The same day
we struck all our sails because we had a contrary wind, and
lay to for two days still driving up and down ; not to lose any
way. We were then against the high land of Natal ; which
beginneth in 32° and endeth in 30° S.
In this place they commonly use to take counsel of all
the Officers of the ship, whether it is best for them to sail
within or without the Island of Saint Lawrence [Madagascar].
For that within that land, they sail to Mozambique, and from
thence to Goa ; and sailing without it, they cannot come at
Goa, by reason they fall down [drift] by means of the stream
[current], and so must sail unto Cochin, which lieth 100 miles
lower than [south of] Goa. It is as the ships leave the Cape,
that it is or is not good to make towards Mozambique : be-
cause they cannot come in time to Goa by reason of the great
calms that are within the island [i.e., of Madagascar]. They
that pass the Cape in the month of July may well go to
Mozambique, because they have time enough to refresh them-
selves there, and to take in fresh water and other victuals;
and so lie at anchor ten or twelve days together : but such as
pass the Cape in the month of August, do come too late and
must sail about towards Cochin, thereby to lose no time ;
yet it is dangerous and much more cumbersome, for that
commonly they are sick of swollen legs, sore bellies, and
other diseases.
The 30th of July, we were against the point of the cape
called Cape Corrientes, which lieth under 24° S. There they
begin to pass between the islands.
H. V. Linschoten.
1594-
1 Safe arrival at Mozambique. 15
The 1st of August, we passed the flats called Ox baixos
dos India that is " the flats of India" [now called Bassa da
India], which are distant from Cape Corrientes, thirty miles ;
and lie between the island of Saint Lawrence and the firm land.
There is great care to be taken lest men fall upon them ; for
they are very dangerous. Many ships have been lost there,
and of late, anjio 1585, a ship coming from Portugal, called
the San Jago (being admiral [flag-ship] of the fleet ; and was
the same that, in its first voyage, went with us from Lisbon
for vice admiral) : as in another place we shall declare [see
P- 30].
The 4th of August, we descried the land of Mozambique.
The next day, we entered into the road, and as we entered,
we espied the aforesaid ship, called the San Jago, which
entered with us, not above one hour after we had descried it;
being the first time we had seen it since it left us at the
island of Madeira, where we separated ourselves.
There we likewise found two more of our ships, the San
Lorenzo and the San Francisco, which, the day before, were
come thither, with a small ship that was to sail to Malacca.
Which ship commonly setteth out of Portugal a month before
any of the ships do sail for India, only because they have a
longer voyage to make : yet do they ordinarily sail to Mozam-
bique to take in sweet water or fresh victuals, as their voyage
falleth out or their victuals scanteth. If they go not thither,
then they sail about the back [i.e., the east] side of the island
of Saint Lawrence ; not setting their course for the Mozam-
bique.
There were now four of our fleet in company together,
and only wanted the San Felipe which had held her course
so near the coast of Guinea, the better to shun the flats of
Brazil, that she was so much becalmed that she could not
pass the Equinoctial line for a long time after us ; neither yet
the Cape of Good Hope without great storms and foul
weather, as it ordinarily happeneth to those that come late
thither : whereby she was compelled to compass about [go
outside Madagascar] and came to Cochin about two months
after we were all arrived at Goa; having passed through much
foul weather and endured much misery, with sickness and
diseases as swellings of the legs, the scorbutic, and pain in
their bellies, etc
i6 The Castle at Mozambique. [J- h- v. Linschoten
Mozambique,
OzAMBiQUE is a little island distant about half a
mile from the firm land : for the firm land on the
north stretcheth further into the sea than it doth.
The ships harbour so near to the island and the
fortress of Mozambique, that they may throw a stone out of
their ships upon the land. They lie between the island and
the firm land, which are distant about half a mile from each
other; so that they lie there as safely as in a river or haven.
The island is about half a mile in compass, and is flat land
bordered about with a white sand. Therein grow many
Indian palms or [cocoa' nut trees, and some orange, apple,
lemon, citron, and Indian fig trees : but other kinds of fruit
which are common in India, are very scarce there. Corn with
other grain, with rice and such necessary merchandise are
brought thither out of India: but of beasts and fowls, as oxen,
sheep, goats, swine, hens, etc., there is great abundance ; and
they are very good and cheap.
In the same island are found sheep of five quarters, for that
their tails are so broad and thick, that there is as much flesh
upon them as upon a quarter of their body; and they are
so fat that men can hardly brook them. There are certain
hens that are so black, both of feathers, flesh, and bones, that
being sodden they seem as black as ink ; yet of a very sweet
taste, and are accounted better than the others : whereof some
are likewise found in India, but not so many as in Mozambique.
Pork is there a very costly dish, and excellent fair and
sweet flesh : and as by experience it is found that it far sur-
passeth all other flesh, so the sick are forbidden to eat any
kind of flesh but only pork, because of the excellency thereof.
They have no sweet water in the island to drink, but they
fetch it from the firm land : and they use in their houses
great pots which come out of India to keep water in.
The Portuguese have theicm a very fair and strong castle,
which now about ten or twelve years past [i.e., about 1570]
was fully finished: and it standeth right against the first
of two uninhabited little islands, where the ships must
come in, and is one of the best and strongest built of all the
J. H. V. Linschoten.j NiNE TONS WEIGHT OF Gold. 17
castles throughout the whole Indies : yet have they but small
store of ordnance and ammunition. There are also no more
soldiers than the Captain and his men that dwell therein : but
when occasion serveth, the married Portuguese that dwell in
the island, which are about forty or fifty at the most, are all
bound to help to keep the Castle, for that the island hath no
other defence than only that castle. The rest lieth open, and
is a flat sand. Round about within the castle are certain
cisterns made, which are always full of water : so that they
have water continually in the same for the space of one whole
year or more, as necessity requireth.
The government of the Portuguese in the island is in this
manner.
They have every three years, a new Captain and a Factor
for the King, with other Officers : which are all offices given
and bestowed by the King of Portugal upon such as have
served him in the Indian wars, in recompence of their services,
every man according to his calling and degree : where they
receive their pay and ordinary fees out of that which they get
by force, for during their abode in those places, they do what
pleaseth them.
The Captain hath great profit, for there is another fortress,
named Sofala, towards the Cape of Good Hope. By that
fort is a certain mine named Monomotapa where is great
store of gold : and withal a certain kind of gold called by the
Portuguese botongoen onroempo or " sandy gold ; " for that it is
very small, like sand, but the finest gold that can be found.
In this fortress of Sofala, the Captain of Mozambique hath
a Factor ; and twice or thrice every year, he sendeth certain
boats, called pangaios, which sail along the shore to fetch gold
and bring it to Mozambique. These pangaios are made of
light planks and sewed together with cords, without any
nails.
The Captain maketh the commodity of his place within
the three years' space that he remaineth there : which
amounteth to the value of 300,000 ducats [ = 3^80,000 then, or,
about -£"480,000 now], that is, nine tons of gold; as, while we
were there, the Captain, named Nuno Velio Pereira, him-
self showed us ; and it is mostly in gold that cometh from
Sofala and Monomotapa.
II. B 5
1 8 The Fleet sails, & separates again. [J- h. v. Linschoten.
From Mozambique, they carry into India, gold, ambergris,
ebony wood, ivory, and many slaves, both men and women,
who are carried thither because they are the strongest Moors
in all the East countries, to do their filthiest and hardest
labour, wherein they only use them. They sail from thence
into India but once every year, in the month of August till the
half of September ; because throughout the whole countries
of India, they must sail with the monsoons.
Once every year, there goeth and cometh one ship for the
Captain to India, that carrieth and bringeth his merchandise.
No man may traffic from thence into India, but only those
that dwell and are married in Mozambique. Such as are un-
married may not stay there, by special privilege from the King
of Portugal granted to those that inhabit there, to the end
the island should be peopled, and thereby kept and main-
tamed.
Mozambique to Goa,
E STAYED at Mozambique for the space of fifteen
„ _^^ days, to provide fresh water and victuals for the
lAO supplying our wants. In the which time, divers of
' our men fell sick, and died by reason of the un-
accustomed air of the place, which of itself is an unwholesome
land ; and has an evil air, by means of the great and un-
measurable heat.
The 2oth of August, we set sail with all our company, that
is our four ships of one fleet that came for Portugal ; and a
ship for the Captain of Mozambique whose three years were
then finished. His name was Don Pedro de Castro ; in
whose place the aforesaid Nuno Velio Pereira was then
come.
The said Captain Don Pedro returned with his wife and
family again into India. For the King's commandment and
and ordinance is, that after the expiration of their three years'
office, they must yet stay three years more in India at the
commandment of the Viceroy of India, in the King's service,
at their own charges, before they may return into Portugal ;
unless they bring a special patent from the King, that after
J.H.v. LmschotenJ^j^j^j^g AT GoA IN 1 66 DAYS. I9
they have continued three years in their office they may re-
turn into Portugal again : which is very seldom seen, unless
it be by special favour. Likewise no man may travel out of
India, unless he has the Viceroy's passport ; and without it,
they are not suffered to pass, for it is very narrowly looked
into.
The 24th August, in the morning, we descried the two
Comoro Islands ; which lie from Mozambique northwards.
On the south side of the principal island is a very high land,
so high that in a whole day's sail with a good wind we could
not lose the sight thereof.
The same day, the ships separated themselves again, ac-
cording to the ancient manner, for the occasions aforesaid.
The 3rd of September, we once again passed the Equi-
noctial line, and had sight of the North Star.
The 4th of September, we espied a ship of our own fleet,
and spake with him. It was the San Francisco, which sailed
with us till the 7th day, and then left us.
The 13th of September, we saw another ship, which was
the San jfago; which sailed out of sight again and spake,
not with us.
The 20th of September, we perceived many snakes swim-
ming in the sea, being as great as eels : and other things
like the scales of fish, which the Portuguese call vintins
(which are Half Rials of silver, Portuguese money, because
they are like unto it), which swim and drive upon the sea in
great quantities ; which is a certain sign and token of the
Indian coast.
Not long after, with great joy we descried land, and found
ground in forty- seven fathoms deep. It was the land of
Bardes, which is the uttermost end and entry of the river of
Goa ; being about three miles from the city. It is a high land
where the ships of India do anchor and unlade ; and from
thence their wares are carried by boats to the town. That
day we anchored out in the sea, about three miles from the
land ; because it was calm and the flood tide was past : yet
it is not without danger, and hath round about a fair and fast
land to anchor in.
The 2ist, being the next day, there came to us divers boats
called ahnadias [canoes] w^hich boarded us, bringing with them
all manner of fresh victuals from the land, as fresh bread and
20 Triumphant Entry into the City, p- "•
Linschoten.
1594.
fruit : Some of the boatmen were Indians that had been
christened.
There came likewise a galley to fetch the Archbishop, and
brought him to a place called Pangiin, which is in the middle
way between Goa and the road of Bardes, and lieth upon
the same river. Here he was welcomed and visited by the
Viceroy of India, Don Francisco Mascarenhas, and by all
the lords and gentry of the country, as well spiritual as
temporal. The magistrates of the town desired him to stay
there ten or twelve days, while preparation might be made
to receive him with triumph into the city, as their manner
is : which he granted them.
The same day, we entered the river into the road[steadj
under the land of Bardes, being the 21st of September 1583,
and five months and thirteen days after our putting forth of
the river of Lisbon (including our stay of fifteen days at
Mozambique) : which was one of the speediest and shortest
voyages that, in many years before and since that time, was
ever performed. There we found the ship named San Lorenzo
which arrived there a day before us.
The 22nd day, the San Jago came thither ; and the next
day after, arrived the San Francisco.
There died in our ship, thirty persons : among which some
were slaves, and one a High Dutchman, that had been one of
the King of Spain's Guard. Every man had been sick once
or twice, and had let blood. This is ordinarily the number
of men that die in the ships ; sometimes more, sometimes
less.
About ten or twelve years before, it chanced that a Viceroy
for the King, named Ruy Lorenzo Detavora sailed for
India, and had in his ship 1,100 men. There happened a
sickness among them ; so that there died thereof to the
number of goo, who were all thrown overboard into the sea,
before they came to Mozambique ; the Viceroy himself being
one. Which was an extraordinary sickness, and it is to be
thought that the great number of the men in the ship was
the cause of breeding the same. Therefore in these days
the ships no longer take so many men with them : for with
the number they do carry, they have stinking air and filth
enough to cleanse within the ship.
The 30th of September, the Archbishop- my master, with
J. H. V. Linschoten.-| i^000,000 LBS. OF PePPER IN EACH ShIP. 2 I
great triumph was brought into the town of Goa ; and by
the gentlemen and rulers of the country led into the Cathedral
Church, singing Te DEUM laudamus ; and after many cere-
monies and ancient customs, they conveyed him to his palace,
which is close by the Church.
The 20th of November, our admiral [flag ship] the San
Felipe arrived at Cochin, without staying to land at any
place ; having endured much misery by the means before
rehearsed, and having been seven months and twelve days
under sail.
The last of the same month of November, the ships sailed
from Goa to the coast of Malabar and Cochin, there to
receive their lading of pepper and other spices. Some take
in their lading on the coast of Malabar; and some at Cochin,
which can always lade two ships with pepper. The ships
unlade all their Portuguese commodities in Goa, where the
merchants and factors are resident ; and from thence sail
along the coast to take in their lading. Each ship doth
commonly lade 8,000 quintals of pepper, Portuguese weight.
Every quintal is 128 [English] pounds. Then they come to
Cochin, whither the Factors also do travel ; and lade in
cloves, cinnamon, and other Indian wares, as in my voyage
homeward [see pp. 57-61, etc.], I will particularly declare.
In the months of January and February, anno 1584, the
ships with their lading returned from Cochin, towards
Portugal ; with whom my brother went, because of his office
in the ship : and I stayed with my master in India certain
years to see and learn the manners and customs of the said
lands, people, fruits, wares, and merchandise ; with other
things, which, when time serveth, I will in truth set down,
as I for the most part have seen it with mine eyes.
2 2 Japanese Princes brought to Goa. \J-^"j
V. Linschoten
1594
Jan Huyghen van Linschoten.
Diary of occurrences i?t the Portuguese
settleineiits i7i India^ 1583—1588 a.d.
[Discourse of Voyages Ss'c. 1598.]
Notice the marvellous security of the Portuguese in India at this time,
under their triple protection : the Papal bull of 1494 ; the power of
Spain ; and England and Holland, as yet, quiescent and at home.
The exhaustive information which LINSCHOTEN gave of the East,
led the way to the formation of the Dutch, and English East India
Companies.
1583.
|BouT the same time \ix., December 1583], there
came certain Jesuits to Goa, from the island of
Japan; and with them, three Princes (being the
children of Kings of that country) wholly apparelled
like Jesuits : not one of them was above sixteen
years of age. They were minded, by the persuasions of the
Jesuits, to travel to Portugal ; and from thence to Rome, to
see the Pope: thereby to procure great profit, privileges, and
liberties from him for the Jesuits; which was their only intent.
They continued in Goa till the year 1584, and then set sail
for Portugal. From thence, they travelled into Spain :
where, by the King and all the Spanish nobility, they were re-
ceived with great honour : and presented with many gifts,
which the Jesuits kept for themselves. Out of Spain, they
went to see the Pope : from whom they obtained great privi-
leges and liberties. That done, they travelled throughout
Italy, as to Venice, Mantua, Florence ; and all places and
dominions in Italy : where they were presented with many
rich presents, and much honoured ; by means of the great
report, the Jesuits made of them
Toconclude. Theyreturned again unto Madrid: where, with
great honour, they took their leave of the King; with letters of
commendation, in their behalf, unto the Viceroy and all the
J. H. V. Linschoten.^ -j'j^j. Princes MAKE A TOUR OF Europe. 23
Captains and Governors of India. So they went to Lisbon,
and there took shipping, anno 15S6, and came in the ship
called San Felipe (which, on her return, was taken by
Captain Drake) ; and after a long and troublesome voyage,
arrived at Mozambique.
Where, the ship received her lading [homeward] out of
another ship, called the San Lorenzo (ladened in India, and
bound for Portugal), that, having lost her masts, had to put in
there.
And, because the time was far spent to get into India, the
said San Felipe took in the lading of the San Lorenzo ; and
was taken, in her way returning home, by the Englishmen:
and was the first ship that was taken coming out of the East
Indies; which the Portuguese took for an evil sign, because
the ship bore the King's own name.
But returning to our matter. The Princes and the Jesuits of
Japan, the next year after [i.e., 1587], arrived at Goa, amidst
great rejoicings and gladness; for that it was verily thought
they had all been dead. When they came thither, they were
all three apparelled in Cloth of Gold, and of Silver, after the
Italian manner ; which was the apparel that the Italian
Princes and Noblemen had given them. They came thither
very lively ; and the Jesuits very proudly, for, by them, their
voyage had been performed.
In Goa, they stayed till the monsoon or time of the winds
came to sail for China ; at which time, they went from
thence, and so to China, and from thence to Japan; where,
with great triumph and wondering of all the people, they
were received and welcomed home, to the furtherance and
credit of the Jesuits : as the book declareth, which they have
written and set forth in the Spanish tongue, concerning their
voyage, as well by water as by land, as also of the entertain-
ment that they had in every place.
1584.
In the year 1584, in the month of June, there arrived in
Goa many ambassadors, as from Persia, Carnbaia, and from
the Samorin, which is called, the Emperor of the Malabars,
and also from the King of Cochin.
Among other things, there was a peace concluded by the
Samorin and the Malabars with the Portuguese, upon con-
24 Portuguese & Malabars at peace, p " "-j
Lulschoten
1594.
dition that the Portuguese should have a fort upon a certain
haven lying on the coast of Malabar, called Panane, ten miles
from Calicut ; which v^as presently begun to be built.
There, with great cost and charges, they raised and erected
a fort ; but because the ground is all sandy, they could make
no sure foundation. For it sank continually, whereby they
found it best to leave it ; after they had spent in making
and keeping thereof, at the least, four tons of gold, and reaped
no profit thereof : intending thereby, if the Samorin should
break his word, and come forth (as oftentimes he had done),
that, by means of that haven, they would keep him in; where
he should have no place to come abroad, to do them any
more mischief. But seeing that the Malabars had many
other havens and places, from whence they might put forth
to work them mischief ; and as much as ever they did (al-
though the Samorin protested not to know of them ; as also
that he could not let [hinder] it, saying, " They were sea
rovers, and were neither subject unto him, nor any man else "):
they left their fort, and put no great trust in the Malabars, as
being one of the most rebellious and traitorous nations in all
the Indies ; who make many a travelling merchant poor, by
reason the sea coast is made by them, so dangerous and
perilous to sail by.
For the which cause, the Portuguese army by sea [i.e., their
navy] is yearly sent forth out of Goa, only to clear the coast
of them : yet are there many Malabars, in divers places,
who, by roving and stealing, do much mischief in the country,
both by water and by land. They keep themselves on the
seaside, where they have their creeks to come forth ; and
to carry their prizes in, to hide them in the country.
They dwell in straw houses upon stony hills, and rocks not
inhabited, so that they cannot be overcome ; neither do they
care for the Samorin, nor any other man else.
There is a haven belonging to these rovers, about twelve
miles distant from Goa, called Sanguisceu; where many of
them dwell, and do so much mischief: that no man can pass
by, but that they receive some wrong by them. So that there
came, daily, complaints unto the Viceroy, who then was named
Don Francisco de Mascharenhas, Earl of Villa Dorta ;
who, to remedy the same, sent unto the Samorin, to will
him to punish them : who returned the messenger again,
J. H. V Linschoten.-| Pqrtuguese Attack ON Sanguisceu. 25
with answer that " He had no power over them, neither yet
could command them, as being subject to no man ;" and gave
the Viceroy free liberty to punish them at his pleasure, pro-
mising that he should have his aid therein.
Which the Viceroy understanding, prepared an army [i.e.,
squadron] of fifteen foists, over which he made chief Captain,
hisnephew,agentleman called DonJuLiANEsMASCHARENHAS;
giving him express commandment first to go unto the haven of
Sanguisceu, and utterly to raze the same down to the
ground.
This fleet being at sea, and coming to the said haven, the
Admiral of the fleet asked counsel what was best to be done :
because Sanguisceu is an island, lying with the coast, a river
running about it, and many cliffs [rocks] and shallows in the
entrance ; so that, at low water, men can hardly enter in.
At the last, they appointed that the Admiral with half the
fleet, should put in on the one side ; and the Vice-Admiral,
called Joan Barriga, with the other half, should enter on
the other side. Which being concluded, the Admiral, com-
manding the rest to follow, entered first, and rowed even to
the firm land; thinking they were coming after : but the other
Captains, who were all young and inexperienced gentlemen,
began to quarrel among themselves, who should be first or
last ? whereby the fleet was separated. Some lay in one
place, some in another, upon the banks and shallows, and
could not stir; so that they could not come to help the
Admiral, nor yet stir backwards or forwards. And when the
Vice-Admiral should have put in on the other side; the Cap-
tains that were with him would not obey him, saying " He
was no gentleman, and that they were his betters." Upon
these, and such like points, most of the Portuguese enter-
prises do stand, and are taken in hand ; whereby, most com-
monly, they receive the overthrow. By the same means,
this fleet was likewise spoiled, and could not help them-
selves.
Which those of Sanguisceu, having forsaken their houses
and being on the tops of the hills, seeing that the foists lay
about, one separated from the other, upon the rocks and
shallows, not able to put off; and that the Admiral lay alone
upon the strand, and could not stir : they took courage, and,
in great number, set upon the Admiral's foist ; and put all to
26 It Miserably Fails, p- "■ ^-^^
V. Linschoten.
1594-
the sword, except such as saved themselves by swimmmg.
And although the Admiral might well have saved himself, for
a slave offered to bear him on his back ; yet he would not,
saying that " He had rather die honourably fighting against
the enemy, than to save his life with dishonour," So that he
defended himself most valiantly, but when so many came
upon him that he could no longer resist them, they slew him;
and cut off his head in presence of all the other foists. Which
done, they stuck the head upon a pike, crying, in mocking,
unto the other Portuguese, " Come and fetch your Captain
again ! " to their no little shame and dishonour, that in the
meantime, looked one upon another, like owls.
In the end, they departed from thence with the fleet, every
man severally by himself, like sheep without a shepherd ; and
so returned again to Goa with that great victory. The Cap-
tains were presently [at once] committed to prison, but, each
man excusing himself, were all discharged again : great
sorrow being made for the Admiral, especially by the Viceroy,
because he was his brother's son ; who was also much lamented
by every man, as a man very well beloved for his courteous
and gentle behaviour. The other Captains, on the contrary,
were much blamed ; as they well deserved.
Presently thereupon, they made ready another army, with
other Captains, whereof Don Jeronimo Mascharenhas, who
was cousin to the aforesaid one deceased, was Admiral, to
revenge his death. This fleet set foot on land, and, with all
their power, entered among the houses ; but the Sangueseans
that purposely watched for them, perceiving them to come,
fled into the mountains, leaving their straw houses empty,
whither they could not be followed by reason of the wildness
of the place : whereupon the Portuguese burnt down their
houses and cut down their trees, razing all things to the
ground. With which destruction, they departed thence ; no
man resisting them.
At the same time, the [Portuguese] Rulers of Cochin began,
by the commandment of the Viceroy, to set up a Custom
House in the town ; which till that time, had never been
there. For which, the inhabitants rose up, and would have
slain them that went about it. Whereupon they left off till
J. H. V. Linschoten.j ^ CuSTOM HoUSE ERECTED IN CoCHIN. 27
such time as the new Viceroy, called Don Duarte de
Meneses came out of Portugal ; who, with the old Viceroy,
assembled a Council at Cochin, where the Government was
delivered unto him : where he used such means, that by fair
words and entreaty, they erected their Custom House; and
got the townsmen's goodwill, but more by compulsion than
otherwise. Which custom is a great profit to the King, by
means of the traffic therein used : for there the Portuguese
ships do make themselves ready with their full lading, to sail
from thence to Portugal.
The same year [1584], in the month of September, there
arrived in Goa, a Portuguese ship, called the Doiii Jesus de
Carania, that brought news of four ships more that were on
the way, with a new Viceroy called Don Duarte de Meneses :
which caused great joy throughout the city, all the bells
being rung, as the manner is, when the first ship of every
Fleet arriveth in Goa, out of Portugal. In that ship came
certain canoniers [gunners], Netherlanders ; that brought me
letters out of Holland, which was no small comfort to me.
Not long after, in the same month, there arrived another
ship, called Boa Viagen [/>. 38], w herein were many gentle-
men, and Knights of the Cross that came to serve the King in
India : among whom, was one of my Lord Archbishop's
brethren, called RoQUE DA FONSECA [p. 37]. The other lords
were Don Jorgie Tubal de Meneses, Chief Standard Bearer
to the King of Portugal, newly chosen Captain of Soffala and
Mozambique, in regard of certain service that he had, in times
past, done for the King in India; Joan Gomes da Silva, the
new Captain of Ormus: and Don Francisco Mascharenhas,
brother of Don Julianes Mascharenhas that was slain in
Sanguisceu, as I said before, who was to have had the Cap-
tain's place of Ormus ; but, by means of his death, it was
given unto his brother Don Francisco, for the term of three
years, after he that is in it, had served his full time.
In November after, the other three ships arrived in Cochin.
They had sailed outside of Saint Lawrence's Island [Mada-
gascar], not putting into Mozambique. The ships' names
were Santa Maria, Arreliquias; and the admiral [flag ship]
Las cinque chagas or " The Five Wounds " [i.e., of our Saviour,
usually called, the Stigmata]. In her, came the Viceroy
Don Duarte de Meneses, that had been Captain of
28 The arrival of a new Viceroy, p- "•^•/''°^=^°J'g;|
Tangier in Barbary : and there were in this ship, nine
hundred soldiers and gentlemen that came to safe conduct
the Viceroy, besides above a hundred sailors. They had been
above seven months upon the way, without taking [touching]
land, before they arrived at Cochin : where the Viceroy was
received with great solemnity.
Being landed, he presently sent to the old Viceroy, to certify
him of his arrival ; and that he should commit the Govern-
ment of the country unto the Archbishop, to govern it in his
absence (especially because the Archbishop and he were very
good friends and old acquaintance ; having been prisoners to-
gether in Barbary, when Don Sebastian King of Portugal
was slain) : which the old Viceroy presentl}^ did, and went by
sea to Cochin; that he might return to Portugal with the same
ship, as the Viceroys use to do. For after their time of
Government is out, they may not stay any longer in India.
The loth of November, anno 1584, the ship called Carania
went from Goa to Cochin ; there to take in pepper and other
wares. Then do all the Factors go to Cochin to lade their
wares ; and when the ships are laden and ready to depart,
they return again to Goa: where they still remain. In that
ship, the old Viceroy, with many gentlemen, sailed to Cochin.
1585.
The 5th of February 15S5, the Viceroy, Don Duarte de
Meneses, arrived in Goa ; where he was received with great
triumph and feasting.
In the month of April, the same year, my fellow, and
servant to the Archbishop (called Barnard Burcherts, and
born in Hamburg [vol. I./. 318]), travelled from Goa unto
Ormus, and from thence, to Balsora ; and from thence, by land,
through Babylon, Jerusalem, Damascus, to Aleppo, from
whence he sent me two letters, by an Armenian: wherein he
certified me of all his voyage; which he performed with small
charges and less danger, in good fellowship, and very merry in
the company of the Caffilas. From Aleppo he went to Tripolis;
and there he found certain ships for England, wherein he
sailed to London; and from thence to Hamburg: which I
understood by letters from him, written from thence.
In the month of August, there came letters from Venice
J. H.T.Linschoten.-] ]3ea.TH OF LiNSCHOTEN's FATHER. 29
by land, that brought news of the murder of the Prince of
Orange, a man of honourable memory; as also the death of
the Duke of ALENgoN or Anjou ; with the marriage of the
Duke of Savoy to the King of Spain's daughter.
The 20th of October, there arrived in Goa, the ship called
the San Francisco, that came out of Portugal. In it, came
some Dutch cannoneers, that brought me letters out of my
country; with the news of the death of my father, Huyghen
JoosTEN of Harlem.
The ist of November after [1585], arrived at Cochin, the Sant
Alberto that came from Portugal. And the ist of December,
that year, there arrived at Cananor, upon the Malabar coast,
the ship called the San Lorenzo ; and from thence, came to
Goa : most of her men being sick, and about ninety of them
dead : they having endured great misery, and not having
once put to land. At that time, there wanted [but] two of the
Fleet that came from Lisbon in company with her : and they
were the San Salvador, and the admiral [flag ship], Sanjago ;
whereof they could hear no news.
At the same time, there arrived certain Italians, overland,
in Goa, and brought news of the death of Pope Gregory
XIII., and of the election of the new Pope, called Sixtus VI.
At that time, also, the ships that came from Portugal,
sailed to Cochin, to take in their lading; which done, in the
month of January 1586, they sailed for Portugal.
In the month of May 1586, letters were brought to the
Viceroy and Archbishop at Goa, from the Captain of Soffala
and Mozambique, to certify them of the casting away [in the
previous August] of the admiral San jfago, that set out of
Portugal, the year before, anno 1585.
She was cast away in this manner. The ship having come,
with a good speedy wind and weather, from the Cape of Good
Hope to Mozambique: they had passed, as they thought, all
dangers ; so that they needed not to fear anything. Yet it
is good for the Master and others to be careful and keep good
watch, and not to stand too much upon their own cunning
and conceits, as these did ; which was the principal cause of
their casting away.
Between the Island of St. Lawrence and the firm land,
in 22|-° S., there are certain shallows [shoals] called the
" India," ninety miles from the Mozambique. Those shallows
30 The casting away of the Sajv J ago. [•^- ^*- ^'l
. V. Linscholcn.
1594-
are mostly of clear coral of black, white, and green colours,
which is very dangerous. Therefore it is good reason they
should shun them ; and surely the Pilots ought to have great
care, especially such as are in the Indian ships, because the
whole ship and safety thereof lieth in their hands and is only
ruled by them ; and that, by express commandment from the
King, so that no man may contrary them.
They being thus between the lands, and by all the sailors'
judgements hard by the "Shoalsof India" [p. 15], the Pilottook
the height of the sun, and made his account that they were
past the Shallows; commanding the Master to make all the
sail he could, and freely to sail to Mozambique, without any
let or stay. And although there were divers sailors in the
ship, that likewise had their " cards," some to learn, others
for their pleasure ; as divers officers, the Master, and the
Chief Boatswain, that said it was better to keep aloof,
specially by night, and that it would be good to hold good
watch because they found that they had not, as then, passed
the Shallows : yet the Pilot said the contrary, and would
needs show that he only had skill and power to command ;
as commonly the Portuguese, by pride, do cast themselves
away; because they will follow no man's counsel, and be
under no man's subjection, specially when they have autho-
rity. As it happened to this Pilot, that would hear no man
speak, nor take any counsel but his own ; and therefore com-
manded that they should do, as he appointed them.
Whereupon, they hoisted all their sails, and sailed in that
sort till it was midnight, both with a good wind and fair
weather ; but the moon not shining, they fell full upon the
Shallows, being of clear white coral, and so sharp that, with
the force of wind and water that drave the ship upon them,
it cut the ship in two pieces as if it had been sawn in sunder :
so that the keel and two orlops [i.e., decks] lay still upon the
ground, and the upper part, being driven somewhat further,
at the last, stuck fast ; the mast being also broken.
Wherewith, you might have heard so great a cry that all
the air did sound therewith : for that in the ship, being
admiral [fl^g ship], there were at the least five hundred
persons : among the which were thirty women, with many
Jesuits and friars. So that, as then, there was nothing else
to be done, but every man to shrift, bidding each other fare-
J. H.y. Linschoten.1 CoURAGE OF CyPRIAN GrIMOALDO. 31
well, and asking of all men forgiveness ; with weeping and
crying, as it may well be thought.
The Admiral, called Fernando de Mendoza, the Master,
the Pilot, and ten or twelve more, presently entered into the
small boat, keeping it with naked rapiers, that no more should
enter, saying they "would go and see if there were any dry
place in the Shallows ; whereon they might work to make a
boat of the pieces of the broken ship, therein to sail unto the
shore, and so to save their lives." Wherewith, they put them
that were behind in some small comfort; but not much.
But when they had rowed about, and finding no dry place,
they durst not return again unto the ship : lest the boat should
have been overladen and so drowned ; and in the ship, they
looked for no help. Wherefore, in fine, they concluded to row
to land ; having about twelve boxes of marmalade, with a
pipe of wine and some biscuit, which, in haste, they had
thrown into the boat ; which they dealt among them, as need
required. So commending themselves to GOD, they rowed
forwards towards the coast ; and after they had been seven-
teen days upon the sea, with great hunger, thirst, and labour,
they fell on the land : where they saved themselves.
The rest that stayed in the ship, seeing the boat came not
again ; it may well be thought what case they were in. At
the last, one side of the upper part of the ship, between both
the upper orlops, where the great boat lay, burst out; and the
boat being half burst, began to come forth : but, because there
was small hope to be had, and few of them had little will to
prove masteries, no man laid hand thereon, but every man
sate looking one upon another. At the last, an Italian, called
Cyprian Grimoaldo, rose up, and taking courage unto him,
said, " Why are we thus abashed ? Let us seek to help our-
selves, and see if there be any remedy to save our lives !"
Wherewith presently, he leaped into the boat, with an instru-
ment in his hand, and began to make it clean ; whereat some
others began to take courage, and to help him as well as they
could, with such things as first came to their hands. So that
in the end, there leaped, at the least, fourscore and ten per-
sons into it, and many hung by the hands upon the boat
swimming after it, among the which were some women : but
because they would not sink the boat, they were forced to cut
off the fingers, hands, and arms of such as held thereon, and
32 Marvellous Brotherly Love. [J-^'-^j'
H. Linschoten
1594
let them fall into the sea; and they threw many overboard,
being such as had not wherewith to defend themselves.
Which done, they set forward, committing themselves to
GOD ; with the greatest cry and pitifullest noise that ever was
heard, as though heaven and earth had gone together : when
they took their leave of such as stayed in the ship. In which
manner, having rowed certain days, and having but small
store of victuals ; for that they were so many in the boat that it
was ready to sink, it being likewise very leaky and not able to
hold out. In the end, they agreed among themselves to chose
a captain, to whom they would obey and do as he commanded :
and among the rest, they chose a gentleman, a Mestizo [half-
caste] of India; and swore to obey him. He presently com-
manded to throw some of them overboard, such as, at that
time, had least means or strength to help themselves. Among
the which, there was a carpenter that had, not long before,
helped to dress the boat : who seeing that the bt fell upon
him, desired them to give him a piece of marmalade and a
cup of wine ; which when they had done, he willingly suffered
himself to be thrown overboard in the sea, and so was
drowned.
There was another of those, that in Portugal are called New
Christians. He being allotted to be cast overboard in the
sea, had a younger brother in the same boat, that suddenly
rose up and desired the Captain that he would pardon and
make free his brother, and let him supply his place, saying,
" My brother is older, and of better knowledge in the world
than I, and therefore more fit to live in the world, and to help
my sisters and friends in their need : so that I had rather die
for him, then to live without him." At which request, they
let the elder brother loose, and threw the younger at his own
request into the sea ; who swam at the least six hours after
the boat. And although they held up their hands with naked
rapiers willing him that he should not once come to touch the
boat : yet laying hold thereon, and having his hand half cut
in two, he would not let go ; so that in the end, they were
constrained to take him in again. Both the which brethren, I
knew, and have been in company with them.
In this misery and pain, they were twenty days at sea ; and
in the end got to land : where they found the Admiral and
those that were in the other boat.
J.H.v.Linschoten.^ QnLY 6o SAVED, OUT OF 500. ^^
Such as stayed in the ship, some took boards, deals, and
other pieces of wood ; and bound them together, which the
Portuguese call Jangadas [rafts] ; every man what they could
catch, all hoping to save their lives: but of all those, there
came but two men safe to shore.
They that had before landed out of the boats, having escaped
that danger, fell into another ; for they had no sooner set foot
on shore, but they were spoiled by the inhabitants of that
country, called Kaffirs, of all their clothes : whereby they
endured great hunger and misery, with many other mischiefs,
which it would be over tedious to rehearse; In the end, they
came unto a place where they found a Factor of the Captains
of Soffala and Mozambique, and he helped them as he might ;
and made means to send them unto Mozambique : and from
thence, they went into India; where I knew many of them,
and have often spoken with them.
Of those that were come safe to shore, some of them died
before they got to Mozambique. So that in all, there were
about sixty persons that saved themselves. All the rest were
drowned or smothered in the ship ; and there was never other
news of the ship than as you have heard.
Hereby, you may consider the pride of this Pilot ; who,
because he would be counselled by no man, cast away that
ship with so many men : wherefore a Pilot ought not to have
so great authority, that, in time of need, he should reject and
not hear the counsel of such as are most skilful.
This Pilot, when he came into Portugal, was committed
to prison ; but, by gifts and presents, he was let loose : and
another ship [San Thomas], being the best of the Fleet that
went for India, anno 1588, was committed unto him ; not
without great curses and evil words of the mothers, sisters,
wives, and children of those that perished in the ship, which
all cried " Vengeance on him ! "
And coming with the ship, called the San Thomas, wherein
he then was placed, he had almost laid her on the same place,
where the other was cast away; but day coming on, they
room themselves off [gave it a wide berth], and so escaped.
Yet in their voyage homeward to Portugal, the same
ship was cast away by the Cape of Good Hope [//. 70, 78],
II. C 5
;4 Two Turkish Galleys come out of the [^'"^
fLinschoten.
1594-
with the Pilot and all her men : whereby much speech arose,
saying " It was a just judgement of GOD against him, for
making so many widows and fatherless children."
This I thought good to set down at large, because men
might see that many a ship is cast away by the headiness of
the Governors, and the unskilfulness of the Pilots : wherefore
it were good to examine the persons before a ship be com-
mitted unto them ; especially a ship of such a charge, and
wherein consisteth the welfare or undoing of so many men,
together with their lives ; and impoverishing of so many a
poor wife and child.
This loss happened in the month of August, anno 1585.
1586.
In May, anno 1586, two ships, laden with ware, set sail
out of the haven of Chaul in India, that belonged unto certain
Portuguese inhabitants of Chaul ; the owners being in them.
Those ships should have sailed to the Straits of Mecca or
the Red Sea, where the said merchants used to traffic ; but
they were taken by two Turkish galleys that had been made
in the innermost parts of the Red Sea, in a town called Suez.
The said galleys began to do great mischief; and put all the
Indian merchants in great fear.
The same month, there was a great army prepared in Goa,
both of foists and galleys, such as had not been seen in
many years ; and was appointed to sail to the Red Sea, to
drive the Turkish galleys away, or else fight with them if
they could. They were also commanded by the Viceroy to
winter their ships in Ormus : and then to enter into the
Straits of Persia [Persian Gtilf], lying behind Ormus ; and to
offer their services toXATAMAS [A BBAsL] , King [Shah] of Persia,
against the Turk, their common enemy. Thereby to trouble
him on all sides, if they had brought their purpose to effect ;
but it fell out otherwise, as you shall hear.
For Chief of this army, there was appointed a gentleman
named Ruy Gonsalves da Camara, who had once been Cap-
tain of Ormus ; being a very fat and gross man, which was one
of the chief occasions of their evil fortune. With him, went
the principal soldiers and gentlemen of all India ; thinking
to win great honour thereby.
This army being ready, and minding to sail to the Red
^/**is94G ^^^ ^^^> ^ BEAT THE PORTUGUESE FLEET. S5
Sea; they found many calms upon the way, so that they
endured much misery, and began to die hke dogs, as well for
want of drink as other necessaries. For they had not made
their account to stay so long upon the way ; which is always
their excuse, if anything falleth out contrary to their minds.
This was their good beginning, and as it is thought a pre-
parative to further mischief. For coming to the Red Sea, at
the mouth thereof, they met the Turkish galleys ; where they
had a long fight : but, in the end, the Portuguese had the
overthrow ; and escaped, as well as they might, with great
dishonour and no little loss.
The Turks being victorious, sailed to the coast of Melinde,
where they took certain towns, as Pate and Brava, that,
then, were in league with the Portuguese: there to strengthen
themselves, and thereby to reap a greater benefit, by damaging
the Portuguese, and lying under their noses.
The Portuguese army having sped in this manner, went to
Ormus, to winter themselves there ; and, in the meantime, to
repair their army, and to heal their sick soldiers, whereof
they had many.
When the time served to fulfil the Viceroy's command-
ment, in helping Xatamas, having repaired their foists ; the
General, by reason of his fatness and corpulent body, stayed
in Ormus : and appointed as Lieutenant in his place, one
called Pedro Homen Pereira (who, although he was but a
mean gentleman, yet was he a very good soldier, and of great
experience) : commanding them to obey him in all things, as
if he were there in person himself.
He gave them also in charge to land, as they sailed along
the coast of Arabia, to punish certain pirates that held a
place called Nicolu [? Nackiloo] ; and spoiled such as passed to
and fro upon the seas ; doing great hurt to the ships and
merchants of Bussorah that trafficed to Ormus : whereby
the traffic to the said town of Ormus was much hindered, to
the great loss and undoing of many a merchant.
With this commission, they set forward with their Lieu-
tenant; and being come to Nicolu; they ran their foists
on shore, so that they lay half dry upon the sand. Every
man in general leaped on land, without any order of battle ;
as in all their actions they use to do : which the Lieu-
tenant perceiving, would have used his authority, and have
36 8oo Portuguese soldiers slain, p"'
Linschoten
? 1594-
placed them in order as is requisite to be done in warlike
affairs. But they, on the contrary, would not obey him,
saying, " He was but a boor ! and that they were better
gentleman and soldiers than he !" With these, and such like
presumptuous speeches, they went on their course; scattering
here and there in all disorder, like sheep without a shepherd:
thinking all the world not sufficient to contain them, and
every Portuguese to be a Hercules, and so strong that they
could bear the whole world upon their shoulders.
Which the Arabs, being within the land and mostly on
horseback, perceiving (and seeing their great disorder ; and
knowing most of the foists to lie dry on the strand, and that,
without great pain and much labour, they could not hastily
set them afloat), presently compassed them about, and being
ringed in manner of a half moon, they fell upon them ; and,
in that sort, drave them away, killing them as they listed,
till they came unto their foists: and because they could not
presently [at once] get their foists into the water, they were
compelled, through fear and shame, to fight; where likewise
man\' of them were slain, and not above fifty of them escaped
that had set foot on land. So having got into their foists,
they rowed away.
In this overthrow, there were slain about eight hundred
Portuguese, of the oldest and best soldiers in all India. Among
them was a trumpeter, being a Netherlander; who, being in
the thickest of the fight, not far from the Portuguese Ensign,
and seeing the Ensign-bearer throw down his Ensign (the
easier to escape and save his life), and that one of the Arabs
had taken it up : casting his trumpet at his back, he ran with
great fury, and with his rapier killed the Arab that held it,
and brought it again among the Portuguese, saying, " It was
a great shame for them to suffer it to be carried away." In
that manner, he held it, at the least, a whole hour, and spoiled
many of the Arabs that sought to take it from him, in such
manner, that he stood compassed about with dead men : and
although he might have saved himself if he would have left
the Ensign, yet he would not do it ; till, in the end, there
came so many upon him that they killed him, where he
yielded up the ghost with the Ensign in his arms. And so
ended his days with honour ; which the Portuguese them-
selves did confess, and often acknowledged it ; commending
Linschoten.-| 'pjjj, QuEEN OF OrMUS WEDS A CHRISTIAN. ^^
his valour : which I thought good to set down in this place,
for a perpetual memory of his valiant mind.
The Lieutenant, perceiving their disorder and how it would
fall out, wisely saved himself, and got into the foists, where
he beheld the overthrow; and in the end, with empty vessels,
he turned again to Ormus, without doing anything else : to
the great grief and shame of all the Indian soldiers; being
the greatest overthrow that ever the Portuguese had in those
countries, or wherein they lost so many Portuguese together.
Among the which, was the Archbishop's brother [/. 27], and
many other young and lusty gentlemen, of the principal
[families] in all Portugal.
At the same time \i.e., in the spring 0/1587], the Queen of
Ormus came to Goa, being of Mahomet's religion, as all her
ancestors had been before her ; and as then, contributory
[subject] to the Portuguese. She caused herself to be christened,
and was brought, with great solemnity, unto the town ; where
the Viceroy was her godfather, and named her Donna Phil-
LiPPA, after the King of Spain's name : being a fair white
woman, very tall and comely. With her, likewise, a brother of
hers, being very young: and, then, with one IvIatthias d'Al-
BUQUERQUE, that had been Captain of Ormus, she sailed to
Portugal \^iti the Nostra Seiiora da Sancao ; see pp. 40-51 ;
which arrived 1)1 Portugal on 12th of August 1587, see p. 51]
to present herself to the King.
She had [or rather, afterwards] married with a Portuguese
gentleman, called Antonio Dazevedo Coutinho ; to whom,
the King, in regard of his marriage, gave the Captainship
of Ormus, which is worth [in the three years] about 200,000
ducats [= about ;£'50,ooo then = ^f 300,000 now].
[The following occurrence must have been after Linschoten's depar-
ture from India, in November 1588.]
This gentleman, after he had been married to the Queen
about half a year, living very friendly and lovingly with her,
he caused a ship to be made, therewith to sail to Ormus ; to
take order there for the rents and revenues belonging to the
Queen, his wife. But his departure was so grievous unto
her, that she desired him to take her with him ; saying that
"she could not live without him !" but, because he thought
it not then convenient, he desired her to be content ; promis-
;8 For the love of whom, she dies, p-"-
V. Linschotea
? 1594.
ing to return again with all the speed he might. Whereupon,
he went to Bardes, which is the uttermost part of the river
entering into Goa, about three miles off. While he continued
there, staying for wind and weather; the Queen, as it is said,
took so great grief for his departure, that she died the same
day that her husband set sail and put to sea : to the great
admiration [wonder] of all the country ; and no less sorrow,
because she was the first Queen, in those countries, that had
been christened, forsaking her kingdom and high Estate,
rather to die a Christian, and be married to a mean [private]
gentleman than to live like a Queen under law of Mahomet.
And so was buried with great honour, according to her
estate.
In the month of August 15S6, there arrived a man of
Mozambique in Goa, that came from Portugal in the ship
that should sail to Malacca [usually leaving Lisbon about
February : in this instance, about February 1585] that brought
news unto the Viceroy, how the ship, called the Boa Viagen,
that, in the year before [i.e., January 1585 see p. 27], sailed
from India towards Portugal, was cast away by the Cape
of Good Hope : w^here it burst in pieces, being overladen
(for they do commonly overlade most of their ships), and
affirmed that the ship had, at the least, nine handsful
height of water within it, before it departed from Cochin ;
although, before their ships set sail, they put the Master
and other Officers to their oaths, thereby to make them
confess " If the ship be strong and sufficient to perform
the voyage, or to let them know the faults ! " Which, upon
their said oaths, is certified by a Protestation, whereunto the
Officers set their hands. Yet, though the ship have so
many faults, they will never confess them, because they will
not lose their places and the profit of the voyage; yea,
although they do assuredly know the ship is not able to
continue the voyage: for covetousness, overthrowing wisdom
and policy, maketh them reject all fear; but when they fall
into danger, then they can speak fair, and promise many
things.
In that sort, most of the ships depart from Cochin, so that
if any of them come safely to Portugal, it is only by the will
of GOD ; for, other^vise, it were impossible to escape, because
the}' overlade them, and the ships are, otherwise, so badly
J. H. v.Lmschoten.-j ^ C ARRACK BU RS T S AT T H E C A P E. 39
provided, and with little order among their men: so that not
one ship cometh home but can show of their great dangers by
overlading, want of necessaries, and reparations of the ship,
together with unskilful sailors; yet for all these daily and
continual dangers, there is no amendment, but they daily
grow worse and worse.
In this ship, called the Boa Viagen, were many gentlemen
of the best and principal, that had served a long time in
India; travelling then into Portugal, with their certificates,
to get some reward for their service, as the manner is. Be-
cause it was one of the best and greatest ships of that fleet,
the Ambassador of Xatamas [A BBAS I.] , King [Shah] of Persia,
went therein, to procure a league with the King of Spain, to
join with him against the Turk, their common enemy : but
he being drowned, the Persian would send no more Ambas-
sadors ; and yet he is still in league and good friendship
with the Portuguese.
The worst ship that saileth from Cochin to Portugal, is
worth, at the least, a million of gold [i.e., of ducats = about
£300,000 then=about 5^1,800,000 now], and this was one of the
best ships ; whereby it may be considered what great loss
cometh by the casting away of one of their ships, besides
the men. For there never passeth a year ; but one or two of
they are cast away, either in going or coming.
In the month of September, the same year, 1586; there
arrived four ships out of Portugal, in Goa, called the San
Thomas, San Salvador [p. /^],\hQ Arreliquias, the Dom Jesus
de Carania : but of their admiral, the San Felipe, they had no
news since their departure from Lisbon.
On the last of November, the same ships departed from
Goa : some along the coast of Malabar, to take in their lad-
ing of pepper, and from thence to Cochin ; others direct to
Cochin, where commonly one or two of them are laden with
pepper, and where, alone, all other kind of wares are laden.
At the same time, there was a ship called the Ascention,
that lay in Goa, and had made certain voyages to China and
Japan : which ship was bought by the Factors for Pepper,
because the ship Carania, by reason of her oldness, was
broken in Cochin, and set upon the stocks there, to be new
made ; but was not finished, by reason of a certain controversy
that fell among: the Factors.
40 Archbp. Fonseca sails to Portugal. [J-^^-'*'-y
Linschoten.
i';Q4-
In this ship, [newl}^ called Nostra Smora da Sancao, my Lord
the Archbishop sailed to Portui^al, by reason of certain quarrels
newly begun between the Viceroy with other Councillors,
and the Archbishop. And although he was entreated by the
Viceroy, all the Council, gentlemen and communalty of Goa,
not to leave them ; yet he would not be dissuaded from his
purpose, but went to ride unto the King, of whom he was w'ell
beloved : which the Viceroy and others liked not very well,
fearing he should give some information to the King, which
would be smally to their profit.
In that mind, he undertook his voyage, discharging all
his servants ; saving some that he kept about him for his
service : and leavingno man in his house, but only his Steward
and myself, to receive his rents, and keep his house. And
because, as then, the Golden Jubilee or Pardon of Rome,
called La Santa Crusada, was newly brought into the Indies
(being granted to the end that, with the money that should be
gathered by virtue thereof, the Captains and prisoners in
Africa or Barbary, that had been taken prisoners in the battle
wherein Don Sebastl^^n, King of Portugal, was slain, should
be redeemed) ; the Golden Jubilee was sent unto the Arch-
bishop : who, being appointed the Roman Apostolic Com-
missary, &c., for the same, made me the General Clerk
throughout all India, to keep account of the said receipts ;
and gave me one of the keys of the chest wherein the money
lay, with a good stipend, and other profits belonging to the
same, during the time of his absence. Thereby the rather
to bind me, that I should remain in his house, and keep the
same till his return again ; as I had promised unto him.
1587.
So he set sail from Cochin, in the month of January, anno
1587 ; his Pilot being the same man that cast the San Jago
away upon the " Flats of India," as it is said before [pp.
30-33]-
The ships, at that time, being ready to set sail, one some
four or five days after the other, as they were laden (for
they observe a certain order therein, the better to register all
their wares and merchandise), it so fell out that all the other
ships being despatched ; the Arreliqnias only was the last that
laded. Which ship having taken in her whole lading, the
J.H. v.LLnschoten.j ^ ^lE SINKING OF THE ArRELIQUIAS. 4 I
Officers, and some of the Factors, being bribed, suffered some
of the ballast to be taken out, and in place thereof laded
cinnamon : for, at that time, cinnamon was risen, and at a
very high price in Portugal ; and therefore the Officers and
Factors, by gifts aforesaid, suffered it to be laden in that
manner, having no other place to lade it in.
You must understand that when the time cometh to set
sail, the ships lying at anchor about a mile within the sea,
where they received their lading (the reason why they lie so
far is because it is summer time ; and there the sea is as
calm and still, as if it were within the land), a trumpet is
sounded throughout all the town of Cochin to call them all
on board ; wherewith, all that will sail, do presently come
down, accompanied with their friends, which, in small boats
called Tones and Pallcnges, bring them aboard ; with great store
of bread, and such like victuals. So that you shall, many
times, see the ships hung round about with boats, at the least
three or four hundred ; with such a noise and rejoicing, as it
is wonderful to hear.
Sometimes the ships are so ladened that the cables touch
the water, and besides that, the hatches are covered with
divers chests, seven or eight one above another ; they having
no other place to set them in : for that under the hatches
they are so stuffed, that there is not any empty room. So
that when they set sail, they know not where to begin, nor
how to rule the ship ; neither can they well, for a month
after, tell how to place all things in order.
So it was with this ship, which being thus prepared, the
Viadur da Fazcnda, or the King's Oi^cers, came aboard, asking
" If the ship were ready to set sail, and depart? " They say,
" It was ready." And he having made a Protestation or Certi-
ficate thereof, the Officers set to their hands, as some say ;
but others deny it. Presently he commanded them to wind
up their cables and hoisted anchor, as the manner is. So they
let their sails fall, with a great cry of Boa Viagen ! " GOD
send them good fortune, and a merry voyage 1 " all the boats
being still aboard [attached] ; which commonly do hang at her
at least a mile or half a mile within the sea ; because it is
calm.
This ship, called the ArreliqiUas, beginning in this manner
to sail, among other romage [lumber] that stood on the
42 All saved in her, but the slaves. [J-^- v-^i
H. V. Linschoten.
1594-
hatches, there were certain hens' cages ; from whence, certain
hens flew out : whereupon every man claimed them for his
own, and, upon a Sunday, as in such cases it is commonly
seen, they ran all on a heap upon one side ; whereby the ship
(being light of ballast, and laden with many chests above the
hatches, as I said before) swayed so much on the one side
that, by little and little, it sank clean under the water, so
that not above a handful of the mast could be seen above the
water.
The people leaped into the boats that, as yet, were hanging
above the ship, which was good fortune for them ; otherwise,
there had not one escaped alive : but, by that means, they
were all saved ; excepting only the slaves, that were
bound with iron chains and could not stir, and so were
drowned.
GOD knoweth what riches were lost in her 1 For nothing
was saved, but some few chests that stood above the
hatches ; which the duckers [divers] got up, and yet the
goods in them were, in a manner, spoiled : the rest was
utterly lost.
By this, it may be considered what manner the Portuguese
use in lading of their ships ; and that it is to be thought that
the many ships that are cast away, whereof there hath been
heard no news or tidings, are only lost by means of evil order
and government.
This being so unluckily fallen out, the Merchants used all
the speed and means they could, by witnesses, to make Pro-
testation against the Officers and Factors of the pepper, that
they might be punished for taking out the ballast : but they
kept themselves out of the way ; and, by prolonging of time,
it was forgotten, and nothing done therein. So the Mer-
chants, that had received all the loss, were glad to put it up.
In the same month [January 1587], came news out of
Malacca, that it was in great danger, and that many died there
for hunger; as also that the ship that went from Portugal
thither, was forced to stay there, because they had no victuals
to despatch it away [pp. 43, 46]: and likewise, that the
Strait of Sumatra was kept by the enemy, so that there no
ships could pass that way to China or Japan. This was done
by the kings [c/nefs^ of Sumatra, that is to say, the kings of
Achen [Achin] and Jor, lying by Malacca upon the firm
^'"'^'''iS] Malacca besieged, and in great danger. 43
land ; who rebelled against the Portuguese in Malacca, upon
a certain injury done unto them by the Captain there.
This news put Goa in a great alteration, for their principal
traffic is to Malacca, China, and Japan, and the islands
bordering on the same : which, by reason of these wars, was
wholly hindered. Whereupon a great number of foists,
galleys, and ships were prepared in Goa to relieve Malacca,
and all the townsmen tasked [taxed], every one at a certain
sum of money, besides the money that was brought from
other places ; and men taken up to serve in ships, for by
means of their late overthrows, [the Portuguese] India was,
at that time, very weak of men.
In the month of May, anno 1587, there came a ship or
galley of Mozambique unto Goa, brings news that the ship,
the San Felipe, had been there, and taken in the lading of
pepper that was in the ship called the San Lorenzo [p. 29] that
had arrived there in her voyage towards Portugal, and was all
open above the hatches and without masts, most of her goods
being thrown into the sea : whereby, miraculously, they saved
their lives, and, by fortune, put into Mozambique. In this
ship, called the San Felipe, were theyoung princes, the Kings'
children of Japan, as is before declared [^^'^.22-3].
The same galley which brought this news from Mozam-
bique to Goa, likewise brought news of the army that sailed
out of Goa, in December 1586, being the year before, unto the
coast of Melinde,to revenge the injury which they had received
in the fleet whereof RuY Gonsalves da Camara was Captain,
as I said before ; as also to punish the towns that, at the
same time, had united themselves with the Turk, and broken
league with the Portuguese [p. 34-7]. Of this army was
General, a gentleman called Martin Alonzo de Mello.
Wherewith, coming upon the coast of Abex or Melinde,
which lyeth between Mozambique and the Red Sea, they went
on land ; and, because the Turks whom they sought for,
were gone home through the Red Sea, they determined to
punish and plague the towns that favoured the Turks, and
broken their alliance with them. To this end, they entered
into the country as far as the towns of Pate and Brava, that
little thought of them, and easily overran them ; for the most
part of the people fled to save themselves, and left their towns.
Whereby the Portuguese did what pleased them, burning the
44 S A jV Sal VABOJ? FOUl^D AT ZaI^ZIBAR. [J-H.v.Linschotea
towns with others that lay about them, and razing them to
the ground : and among those that fled, they took the King
[chief] of Pate, whose head, in great fury, they caused to be
stricken off, and brought it to Goa ; where, for certain days,
it stood on a mast in the middle of the town, for an example
to all others, as also in sign of victory.
Wherewith, the Portuguese began to be somewhat en-
couraged. So they went from thence to Ormus ; and from
Ormus they were to go to help the King of Persia, as the
Viceroy had commanded them. But being at Ormus, many
of their men fell sick and died : among the which the General,
Martin Alfonso de Mello was one. Whereupon they
returned unto Goa ; without doing any other thing.
The same army sailing to the coast of Abex, and falling on
the island of Zanzibar (which lieth 6° S. about seventy miles
from Pate towards Mozambique, about eighteen miles from the
firm land), they found there the San Salvador [p. 39] that came
from Cochin, sailing towards Portugal : which was all open,
having thrown all her goods overboard, saving only some
pepper which they could not come at ; and was in great
danger, holding themselves, by force of pumping, above the
water. They were upon the point to leave, being all weaiy
and ready to sink : which they certainly had done, if, by
great good fortune, they had not met with the army ; which
they little thought to find in those parts.
The army took the ship with them to Ormus, where the rest
of the pepper and goods remaining in her were unladen, and the
ship broken in pieces : and of the boards, they made a lesser
ship, wherein the men that were in the great ship, with the rest
of the goods that were saved in her, sailed to Portugal : and,
after a longand wearisome voyage [/'.82], arrived there in safety.
The 17th of September, 15S7, a galliot of Mozambique
arrived at Goa, bringing news of the arrival of four ships in
Mozambique, that came out of Portugal. Their names were
the Sant Antonio, Sant Francisco, Nostra Solora da Nazareth,
and the Sant Alberto : but of the Santa Maria that came in
company with them from Portugal, they had no news.
Afterwards they heard, that she put back again to Portugal,
by reason of some defaults in her, and of the foul weather.
Eight days after [2^th of September], the said four ships
arrived in Goa, where they were received with great joy.
j.H. v.Linschoten.j COLOMBO BESIEGED, AND DELIVERED. 45
At the same time, the fort called Colombo, which the
Portuguese hold in the island of Ceylon, was besieged by
the King of Ceylon, called Raju [? Rajah] and in great
danger of being lost : to deliver which, there was an army
of foists and galleys sent from Goa ; whereof Bernardine
DE Carvalho was General.
And at the same time, departed another army of many
ships, foists, and galleys, with a great number of soldiers,
munition, victuals, and other warlike provisions ; wherewith
to deliver Malacca : which as then was besieged and in
great misery, as I said before. The General thereof was
Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, a valiant gentleman, who,
not long before, had been Captain of Chaul ; and being very
fortunate in all his enterprises, was therefore chosen to be
General of that fleet.
The last of November, the four ships aforesaid, departed
from Goa ; to lade at Cochin, and from thence to sail to
Portugal.
The December after, while the fort of Colombo, in the
island of Ceylon, was still besieged ; the town of Goa made
out another great fleet of ships and galleys : for the which
they took up many men within the city, and compelled them
to go in the ships, because they wanted men ; with a great
contribution of money raised upon the merchants and other
inhabitants, to furnish the same. Of which army was
appointed General, Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, a brave
gentleman and soldier, who, in times past, had been Captain
of the said fort of Colombo, and had withstood a former
besieging : whereupon the King put him in great credit, and
advanced him much ; and, after the Viceroy's death, he was
Viceroy of [Portuguese] India, as in time and place we shall
declare [/. 50].
He arrived, with his army, in the isle of Ceylon, where he
joined with the other army that went before ; and placed
themselves in order to give battle to Ragiu : who, perceiving
the great number of his enemies, brake up his siege, and
forsook the fort, to the great rejoicing of the Portuguese.
Having strengthened the fort with men and victuals, they
returned again to Goa ; where, in the month of March, anno
1588, they were received with great joy.
In the month of April, the same year [1588], the army of
46 Malacca delivered, Jor destroyed, p- "''•y
Linschoten.
1594-
Don Paulo de Lima Pereira that went to Malacca, arrived
in Goa with victory : having freed Malacca, and opened the
passage again to China and other places.
The manner whereof was thus. In their way, as they
passed the Straits of Malacca, they met with a ship belong-
ing to the King of Achen [Achin] in Sumatra; who was a
deadly enemy to the Portuguese, and the principal cause of
the besieging of Malacca.
In the same ship was the daughter of the said King of
Achen ; which he sent to be married to the King of Jor,
thereby to make a new alliance with him against the
Portuguese : and, for a present, he also sent him a goodly piece
of ordnance, whereof the like was not to be found in all India.
Therefore it was, afterwards, sent to Portugal as a present
to the King of Spain, in a ship of Malacca; which, after, was
cast away in the island of Terceira, one of the Flemish
Isles [Azores, see pp. 97-101]: where the same piece, with
much labour, was weighed up, and laid within the fortress
of the same isle ; because it is so heavy that it can hardly be
carried into Portugal.
But to the matter. They took the ship with the King's
daughter, and made it all good prize. By it, they were
advertised what had passed between the Kings of Achen
and Jor : so that presently \at once] they sent certain soldiers
on land, and marching in order of battle, they set upon the
town of Jor, that was sconced [pallisadoed] and compassed
about with wooden stakes, most of the houses being of straw.
Which, when the people of the town perceived, and saw the
great number of men, and also their resolution, they were in
great fear; and, as many as could, fled, and saved themselves
in the country.
To conclude. The Portuguese entered the town and set
it on fire, utterly spoiling and destroying it, razing it even
with the ground, slaying all they found ; but taking some
prisoners, whom they led away captives. They found within
the town, at the least, 2,500 brass pieces, great and small,
which were all brought into India [i.e.^ Goa]. You must
understand that some of them were no greater than muskets;
some greater; and some very great, being very cunningly
wrought with figures and flowers, which the Italians and
Portuguese that have denied [renounced] their faith, and
Linschoten.-Jj^gj^p-^^jjp. CHRISTIANS IN HeATHENDOM. 47
become Mahometists have taught them : whereof there are
many in India, and are those indeed that do most hurt.
When they have done any murder or other villany ; fearing
to be punished for the same, to save their hves, they run
over by the firm land among the heathens and Moors : and
there they have great stipends and wages of the Indian
kings and captains of the land.
Seven or eight years before my coming into India [i.e.,
1575 or 1576], there were in Goa, certain Trumpeters and
Cannoneers, being Dutchmen and Netherlanders ; and
because they were rejected and scorned by the Portuguese
in India (as they scorn all other nations in the world) ;
as also because they could get no pay ; and when they asked
for it, they were presently abused and cast into the galleys,
and there compelled to serve : in the end, they took counsel
together, and seeing they could not get out of the country,
they secretly got unto the firm [iJiaiii] land of Balagate and
went unto Hildalcan [? the Dcccan] ; where they were gladly
received, and very well entertained with great pay, living
like Lords. And there, being in despair, denied [renounced]
their faith ; although it is thought by some, that they remain
still in their own religion : but it is most sure that they are
married there, in those countries, with heathen women ; and
were living when I came from thence.
By this means are the Portuguese the cause of their own
mischief, only through their pride and hardiness ; and make
rods to scourge themselves withal : which I have only showed
in respect to those cast pieces and other martial weapons,
which the Indians have learnt of the Portuguese and Chris-
tians ; whereof in times past, they had no understanding.
And although they [of Jor] had placed all those pieces in
very good order; yet it should seem they knew not how to
shoot them off or to use them as they should : as it appeared
hereby, for that they presently forsook them, and left them
for the Portuguese.
With this victory, the Portuguese were very proud ; and,
with great glory, entered into Malacca : wherein they were
received with great triumph : as it may well be thought,
being delivered by them from great misery wherein they had
long continued. Which the King of Achen hearing, and that
his daughter was taken prisoner, he sent his Ambassador to
48 Death of the Portuguese Viceroy, p"-''-^^
Linschoten.
1594.
Don Paulo de Lima Pereira, with great presents, desir-
ing to make peace with him : which was presently granted,
and all the ways to Malacca were opened, and all kinds of
merchandise and victuals brought thither, which before had
been kept from them ; whereat was much rejoicing.
This done, and order being taken for all things in Malacca ;
they returned again to Goa : where they arrived in safety (as
I said before) in the month of April [1588] ; and there, were
received with great triumph; the people singing Te DBUM
latidauius; and many of the soldiers bringing good prizes with
them.
In the month of May [1588] following, upon the 15th of
the same month, the Viceroy Don Duarte de Meneses
died in Goa ; having been sick but four days, of a burning
fever, which is the common sickness of India, and is very
dangerous : but it is thought it was for grief, because he had
received letters from the Captain of Ormus, wherein he was
advertised that they had received news, over land, from
Venice, that the Archbishop was safely arrived at Lisbon,
and well received by the King; and because they were not
friends at his departure (as I said before), they said, " He was
so much grieved thereat, that fearing to fall into the dis-
pleasure of the King, by information from the Bishop, he
died of grief."
But that was contrary [to the facts] as, hereafter, by the
ships, we understood ; for the Bishop died in the ship [on
the 4th August 1587], eight days before it arrived in Portugal.
So they kept company together; for they lived not long one
after the other, whereby their quarrel was ended with their
lives.
The Viceroy's funerals were observed, with great solemnity,
in this manner.
The place appointed for the Viceroys' burial is a Cloister
called ^m Ma^os or " The Three Kings of Cologne," being
of the Order of Saint Francis, which standeth in the land of
Bardes, at the mouth of the river of Goa.
Thither was his body convej'ed, being sent in the Royal
Galley, all hanged over with black pennons, and covered with
black cloth ; and accompanied with all the nobility and
gentlemen of the country.
Approaching near the Cloister of Rcis Magos, being three
J. H. V. L;nschoten.-| £ LECTION OF AN AD- INTERIM ViCEROY. 49
miles from Goa down the river towards the sea ; the friars
came out to receive him, and brought his body into the
church, where they placed it upon a hearse ; and so, with
great solemnity, sang Mass.
Which done, there were certain letters, called Vias, brought
forth ; which are always sealed, and, by the King's appoint-
ment, kept by the Jesuits : and are never opened, but in the
absence or at the death of the Viceroy.
These Vim are sent yearly by the King, and are marked
with the figures i, 2, 3, 4, 5, and so forth. When there
wanteth a Viceroy, then the first number or Via is opened ;
wherein is written, that in the absence or after the death of
the Viceroy, such a man shall be Viceroy. If the man that
is named in the first Via be not there ; then they open the
second Via, and look whose name is therein ; being in place,
he is presently {immediately] received and obeyed as Governor.
If he be likewise absent ; they open the rest, orderly, as they
are numbered, until the Governor be found : which, being
known, they need open no more. The rest of the Vias that
are remaining are presently shut up, and kept in the cloister
of the Jesuits : but before the Vias are opened, there is no
man that knoweth who it shall be, or whose name is written
therein.
These Vias are opened, with great solemnity, by the
Jesuits, and read in open audience, before all the nobles,
Captains, Governors, and others that are present. If the
man that is named in the Vias, be in any place of India or
the East countries, as Soffala, Mozambique, Ormus, Malacca,
or any other place of those countries, as sometimes it hap-
peneth ; he is presently sent for : and must leave all other
offices, to receive that place, until the King sendeth another
out of Portugal. But if the man named in the Vias be in
Portugal, China, or Japan, or the Cape of Good Hope; then,
they open other Vias, as I said before.
The Mass being finished, the Jesuits came with the King's
packets of Vias, which are sealed with the King's own signet,
and are always opened before the other Viceroy's body is laid
in the earth. And there, they opened the first Via, and,
with great devotion, staying to know who it should be; at the
last, was named for Viceroy, one Matthias d'Albuquerque,
that had been Captain of Ormus, and, the year before \i.e.y
II, D 5
50 A Viceroy dead! Long live the next! p^-''-,
Linschoten.
'594-
January 1587, see vol. \. pp. 312, 325 ; vol. ii./. 37], had gone,
in company with the Archbishop, to Portugal, because he
had broken one of his legs, thinking to heal it : but if he had
known as much, he would have stayed in India. \_He was
appointed Viceroy in 1590, see pp. 11 4- 5].
He, being absent, the second Via was opened, with the like
solemnity, and herein they found named for Viceroy, MANUEL
DE SOUSA COUTINHO (of whom I made mention before,
\p. 45] and who was the man that raised the siege in the
island of Ceylon), to the great admiration [wonderment] of
every man : because he was but a mean [poor] gentleman;
yet very well esteemed, as he had well deserved by his long
service.
Although there were many rich gentlemen in that place,
whom they thought rather should have been preferred there-
to : yet they must content themselves, and show no dislike.
Thereupon they presently saluted him kissing his hand, and
honoured him as Viceroy.
Presently, they left the dead body of the old Viceroy, and
departed in the galle}', with the new Viceroy ; taking away
all the mourning cloths and standards, and covering it with
others of divers colours and silks.
And so entered into Goa, sounding both shalms and
trumpets; wherein he was received with great triumph, and
led to the great Church, where they sang Te DEUM laudavius,
&c., and there gave him his oath to hold and observe all privi-
leges and customs, accordingto theorder in that case provided.
From thence, they led him to the Viceroy's Palace, which
was presently all unfurnished by the dead Viceroy's servants;
and furnished again by the new Viceroy, as the manner is,
in all such changes and alterations.
The body of the dead Viceroy being left in the Church, was
buried by his servants, without any more memory of him ;
saving only touching his own particular affairs.
In the months of June, July, and August of the same year,
anno 1588, there happened the greatest winter that had, of
long time, been seen in those countries. Although it raineth
every winter, never holding up, all the winter long ; but not
in such quantity and abundance as it did in those three
months, for it rained continually and in so great abundance,
J.H.v.Linschoten.-J ArCHBISHOP FoNSECA DIES AT SEA. 51
from the loth of June till the ist of September, that it could
not be judged that it ever held up from raining, one half hour
together, either night or day ; whereby many houses, by
reason of the great moisture, fell down to the ground ; as also
because the stone wherewith they are built is very soft, and
the greater part of their mortar is more than half earth.
The i6th of September 1588, there arrived in Goa, a ship
of Portugal, called the San Thomas, bringing news of four
ships that were in Mozambique, all come from Portugal :
which, not long after, came likewise to Goa. Their names
were San Christopher, being admiral ; Santa Maria, Sant
Antonio, and Nostra Senora de Consepcao.
By these ships, we received news of the death of my Lord
the Archbishop, Don Frey Vincente da Fonseca, who died
in his voyage to Portugal, upon the 4th day of August, anno
1587, between the Flemish Isles [Azores] and Portugal; eight
days before the ship came to land.
It was thought that he died of some poison that he brought
[in himself] out of India, or else of some impostume that
suddenly brake within him. For an hour before his death,
he seemed to be as well as ever he was in all his life : and
suddenly he was taken so sick that he had not the leisure to
make his will, but died presently : and voided at the least a
quart of poison out of his body.
To be short. He was clothed in his Bishop's apparel, with
his mitre on his head, and rings upon his fingers, and put
into a coffin : and so thrown into the sea.
53
Jan Huyghen van Ltnschoten.
Return Voyage from Goa to Enkhuisen,
1588-1592 A.D.
His news [i.e., of the death of his master , the Arch-
bishop of the Indies, on the ^th of August 1587, which
reached Goa in September 1588, see p. 51] made
many sorrowful hearts in India of such as were
his well-willers and friends: and, to the contrary,
such as hated him were glad and rejoiced; because he had
been earnest to reprehend and correct them for their faults.
But none lost more by it than we, that were his servants,
who looked for great preferment by him ; as without doubt he
meant to have obtained it of the King, as being one of the
principal occasions of his going into Portugal : but death
altered all.
And although, at that time, my meaning and intent was to
stay the coming [back] of my Lord Archbishop ; and to con-
tinue longer there, yea, possibly, while I lived : yet, upon
this news, I was wholly altered in my purpose ; and a horrible
fear came upon me, when I called to mind what I had passed,
touching the things I was desirous to bring to pass. And
although I had means enough there, to get my living in good
sort; being, as it were, one of those countrymen, and so, in
all places well esteemed and accounted of: yet those persua-
sions were not of force enough, once to dissuade me from the
pretence and desire I had to see my native country. So that
it seemed, my GOD had opened mine eyes ; and, by my Lord's
54 LiNSCHOTEN SETTLES TO RETURN HOME. [J- "" ''■j
Linschoten.
1594-
death, made me more clear of sight, and to call my native
soil unto remembrance : which, before, was so darkened that
I had almost forgotten it ; and stood in hazard never to see
it any more, if my Lord had lived, and returned home again
[to Goa].
But to avoid all occasions and inconveniences that might
happen, and daily offered themselves to me, I resolutely
determined to depart : whereunto I sought all the means and
necessary occasions I could find, to bring it to pass. And that
which persuaded me most thereunto, was the loss of my
brother, William Tin, that had been with me in India [pp. 2,
7] : who, sailing from Setubal, in Portugal, towards Hamburg,
taking his course on the back side of England [i.e., round
Ireland and Scotland], was cast away; and neither ship nor
men could ever be heard of.
Being in this resolution, it chanced that a ship, by
authority of the Viceroy, and at the request of the Farmers
of Pepper, was appointed to sail for Portugal ; because there
was so great a quantity of pepper to be laden, that the Portu-
guese ships [i.e., the Fleet of Carracks], at that time, could
not take it in. Although the ships are purposely sent to lade
pepper, with licence from the King, that there may no more
but five ships lade every year; whereunto, the Factors do
bind themselves : yet if there be any goods in India, as
pepper and other wares, which these ships cannot take in ;
then the Farmers of Pepper and the King's Officers may buy
one or two ships, and make them ready for the purpose to
take it in, so that the ships be found that be sufficient.
Which if the Factors refuse, then the Viceroy and the
King's Officers may freight as many ships as they think good,
and as they find fit to take it in ; and lade them with the
Farmers' pepper or any other goods that are there to be
laden : so it be after the five ships are laden by the Farmers.
And all this, for the profit of the King, without let or hindrance
of the said Farmers.
In this sort, as I said before, there was a ship, called the
Santa Cruz, that was built in Cochin by the King of the
Malabars (and called after the name of the town of Cochin,
that was likewise, by the Portuguese, called Santa Cruz),
which the King of the Malabars made in honour of the
Portuguese, because he hath brotherly alliance with them,
Linschoten.-j BeCOMES FaCTOR OFTHeS"^ NT a Cr UZ. 5 5
and is called " Our Brother in arms" by the King of Portu-
gal.
The same ship, being of i,6oo tons, he had sold to a
Portuguese, that therewith had made a voyage into China
and Japan ; and because it was strong and good, and so, fit
to make a voyage to Portugal ; and because (as I said
before) there was more pepper than the Portuguese ships
could take in : the Farmers of Pepper were desirous to buy it,
and besought the Viceroy to let them have it ; according to
the contents of their composition [contract] and the King's
Ordinance.
Whereupon, the Viceroy caused the Farmers of the Ships to
be called together, and signified unto them what the request
of the Farmers of Pepper was, that is to say, that the ship
should be bought, according to the King's Ordinance, foras-
much as necessity did so require it, and they had refused to
use it, saying that " it was not fit for them" : and so desired,
in respect of the King's interest in the pepper, the ship might
be bought accordingly ; always provided, that the King's
Ordinance, who granted them their Privilege, might be kept
and observed, viz., that their ships might first have their
lading, and be first despatched.
And although they that had bought it of the owners, for
10,000 ducats [=^^2,660 13s, 4^. the7i = about ^^16,000 now]
ready money, were in doubt that they should find wares
enough to lade it withal: yet, in the end, it was, in a manner,
laden as well as the other ships were.
Now it was agreed by the owners that sold it, that the
Master Gunner and Chief Boatswain should keep their
places still within the ship ; as they had, when it sailed to
China and Japan. The Gunner's name was Derick Garrit-
SON, of Enkhuisen; who, after he had been twenty years in
India, was minded, as then, to sail in that ship for Portugal :
with whom, because of old acquaintance and for his company,
I minded to see if I could get any place within the ship.
And because the Farmers of Pepper had their Factors
in India, that were Dutchmen; which lay there in the behalf
of the Foukers and Velsares of Augsburg ; who, at that time,
had a part of the pepper laden in that ship, and use to send
in each ship a Factor, to whom the King alloweth a cabin and
victuals for the voyage : this place of Factor in the said ship
56 Obtains his certificates of discharge, [^'"^''^''isg^.
called the Santa Cruz, I did obtain of the Farmers; because
they were of my acquaintance.
Whereupon I prepared myself to depart, and got a pass-
port of the Viceroy (without which no man may pass out of
India) ; and also a certiiicate out of the King's Chamber of
Accounts, and out of the Mafricola General; wherein all such
as come into India are registered, with a note of my pay,
which, by the King's commandment, is appointed to be paid
upon certificate from thence; and withal the time of my resi-
dence in India and what place I was employed in there : that
when I came to Portugal, I might have recompense if I
would ask it, or [could go back, if I] minded to return again
into India.
But, although I had no such intent; yet must I, of force,
observe this order, to make them think that I would return
again, and the easier to obtain my passport : which was easily
granted me by the Governor, as also the other certificates.
Having obtained them, I took my leave of all my friends
and acquaintance, not without great grief: as he that was to
depart out of his second natural dwelling-place, by reason
of the great and long continuance I had made in those
countries ; so that I was, in a manner, half dissuaded from
my pretended voyage. But, in the end, the remembrance
and affection of my true natural country got the upper hand,
and overruled me ; making me wholly to forget my conceit
unto the contrary : and so, committing myself and my
affairs unto GOD (who only can direct and help us, and give
good success to all endeavours), I entered into my new pre-
tended course.
In the month of November, 1588, the ships sailed again
from Goa, to the coast of Malabar and Cochin to take in
their lading.
And the 23rd of the same month, the Santa Cruz set sail ;
to begin our voyage.
The 28th day, we arrived at Honor [Honawur], a fort be-
longing to the Portuguese, and the first they have upon the
coast of Malabar. It lieth southward from Goa, eighteen
miles. In which place, we were assigned to take in our
lading of pepper.
They used not, before, to lade an} pepper in that place ; so
that we were the first that ever laded there ; but from hence-
Linschoten.-| (^Qjj^ S H I P P ED YE A R L Y F RO M PORTUGAL. 57
forward they minded, yearly, to lade one ship there. For
the Queen of Batticola, that lays not far from thence, and
Honor, which is within her jurisdiction or kingdom, had
bound herself to deliver, yearly, 7,000 or 8,000 Quintals [ =
about 1,000,000 English lbs.] of pepper ; so that the Farmers
paid her half the money for the same, six months before she
delivered it ; and then she would deliver it at times [by in-
stalments]. For the which cause, the owners have their Factor
at Honor, to receive it of her, by weight ; and to lay it up
till the time of lading cometh.
The like have they in all the other forts upon the coast
of Malabar, as at Mangalore, Barselor, Cananor, Cochin,
Coulan [Qiiilon], &c.
Tie Farmmg of the Pepper; and^ also^ of
the Car racks that bring it to Portugal,
Ow to know the right manner of Farming of the
Pepper, you must understand.
That the Farmers take the same to farm for five
years, and bind themselves to send every year their
stock of ready money \i.e., about 260,000 Pieces of Eight,
at 436 Reis ( = 6g'y6d.) each = about ;f 75,000 then = about
;r45o,ooo now], for 30,000 Quintals of pepper; so that the
King will send ships to lade it in. The King, on the
other side, bindeth himself to perform, and to send, every
year, five ships, the Farmers bearing the adventure [risk] of
the sea, both of their money sending thither, and of the
pepper brought from thence ; and must lade it, in India, into
the ships, at their own costs and charges. Which being
brought to Portugal, they deliver up the pepper to the King,
at the price of 12 ducats the Quintal [i.e., £^ 4s. the Quintal
of 128 lbs. ; or Sixpence the lb. thcn=^Three Shillings now] : and
if any be cast away or taken upon the sea, it is at the Farmers'
charge ; for the King dealeth only but with that which is
delivered to him in Portugal, being dry and fair, lade up in the
King's Storehouse in Lisbon. For the which, he payeth
58 Wholesale price of pepper in India., p "• ^-^
H. V. Linschoten.
1594-
not any money unto the Farmers until the said pepper be
sold ; with the money whereof he payeth them.
So that the King, without any hazard or disbursing any-
thing of his own, hath always his money for his pepper ;
without the loss of any one penny.
And in respect of that, the Farmers have great and strong
privile,?,es. First, that no man, of what estate or condition
soever he be, either Portuguese or of any place in India, may
deal or trade in pepper but they, upon pain of death : which
is very sharply looked unto. Likewise, they may not, for any
occasion or necessity whatsoever, diminish or lessen the ordi-
nary stock of money [i.e., the 260,000 Reals of Eight], neither
hinder nor letthem, in any sort, concerning the lading thereof:
which is also very strictly observed. For, although the pepper
were for the King's own person, yet must the Farmers'
pepper be first laden : to whom, the Viceroy and other Officers
and Captains of India must give all assistance, help, and
favour, with watching the same, and all other things ; what-
soever shall be required by the said Farmers, for the safety
and benefit of the said pepper.
For the lading and providing whereof, the said Farmers
are to send their Factors, servants, and assistants, of what
nation soever they be (except Englishmen, Frenchmen, and
Spaniards), unto every place, to see it ladened and de-
spatched away. For other strangers may not go to India ;
without the special licence of the King or of his Council for
India.
The pepper commonly costeth in India 28 Pagodas the
Bhar. Every Bhar is 33- Portuguese Quintals. So that every
Quintal standeth them in 12 Pardaos Xeraphines and 4
Tangas [see vol. i.p. 320]:
(Every Quintal is 128 [English] pounds ; and every Pardao
is 3 Testons or 30 Stivers, heavy money : and every Tanga
is 60 Reis or 6 Stivers),
Which is T2 Dollars (of 60 Pence Flemish the piece) after
the rate of the Portuguese money, and 24 Stivers of the like
money : besides all charges, and adventure of the sea. But
the great quantity making them gain the more, especially if
it come safe home.
J. H. v.^Linschoten.-j ]\|exhOD OF FARMING THE CaRRACKS. 59
[By equivalent values of the coins, at /. 320 of vol. i., the Pagoda was then
equal to 76 '8^. We may therefore represent the statement in the text thus.
English Quhital. Bfiar. £
tbs. I'g Pagodas, the ^2/2«/a/=2 II
128 = 1 I rS) 1 ^^ ^^^ equivalent, viz..
4|</. the English
lb. then = about
2s. 4^0'. now.
448 = 3^ = I /'^ (28 Pagodas, the i^/zar =8 19 I
As the Pepper was sold to the King at Sixpence the English lb. for which the
Farmers paid 4f </. , their outside profit would be about 30 per cent, on an invested
capital in pepper alone of about ^75,000 then [=^^450,000 now]. From which,
vast deductions should be made, for peculations, losses, &c. : which were, no
doubt, partially compensated for, by the Farmers robbing the King as well as they
could. So that it was thievery from beginning to end.
The Farmers also brought home many other things than pepper, such as
cinnamon, spices, fancy ware ; on which, no doubt, there was a vast profit.
It is clear from this arrangement, that when the English took Portuguese Carracks,
it was not King Philip II. who was the first sufferer ; but the Speculators, both of the
Ships, and their Cargoes ; who might be of many countries, as of Augsburg, p 55.
It is interesting to trace the rise in the price of these Eastern commodities, in
their progress to the consumer. The wholesale English price of the pepper captured
by the Earl of Cumberland's fleet on the 13th July 1589, was estimated at Two
Shillings [=I2J-. nowl the English lb. : see/. 187 of vol. ii. The King's profits
thereon must therefore liave been enormous.]
The ships and their freighting, with conditions to build
them and the provision of all necessaries for them, are also
farmed by themselves : and all, at the adventure of the
Farmers [of the Carracks], If the ship come safe home,
they give the King a certain sum of money for every ship ;
and every year furnish five ships, likewise at their own
charges : but such soldiers as are appointed to go in them,
are bound to sail for the King ; and have only meat and
drink at the Farmers' charges. The officers and sailors are
placed therein, by the King's Admiralty : which the Farmers
may not once deny or refuse.
So that the King adventureth nothing, neither in pepper
nor in ships : but only if the ships be cast away he loseth the
money that he should have had for the Farm of every ship,
if it had returned safe; and the Gain of the pepper, that should
have been delivered him at a certain price.
Whereupon the Admiralty of Portugal are now waxen very
careless to see them well conveyed, as they used to be during
the times of the Kings of Portugal ; when all the pepper
came for the King's own account.
And although the King hath promised continually to send
his Navy by sea as far as the Flemish Islands [Azores] ; there
to stay for the coming of the Indian ships, and from thence
^dm
60 The Santa Cruz lades, & goes to Cochin. [^'"{""^"J^
to convey them to Lisbon: yet since they were farmed out,
there are few fleets sent forth ; so that they are but h"ttle
thought upon. But howsoever it is ; in the payment of the
Fee Farm for pepper, the King will not lose a penny of his
due, nor once abate them anything.
Shipping the pepper ifi the Car racks.
He 6th of December, we had taken in our lading of
pepper, which was 6,700 Quintals \j:^about 380
English tons] of the best that is in all Malabar ; and
were very full.
The same day, we set sail from thence, keeping close under
the coast : because that ordinarily in that country, every day,
from twelve o'clock of the night till twelve at noon, there
blovveth an Easterly wind, which cometh out of the land ;
and then cometh a West wind out of the sea, to the landward.
With these two winds, we [here] perform our voyage. But
the East wind is always mightier and stronger than the
West, and therefore the ships keep themselves close under
the shore : for when they put further in the sea, they can
hardly get at the coast again ; because the West wind is not
of so great force. As it chanced unto us, for having put
somewhat from the coast ; we had much to do before we
could get to the coast again : by which me^ns, oftentimes,
they lose their voyage to Portugal, as by experience it hath
been found.
All the coast of Malabar is very pleasant to behold, for they
sail so close to it, that a man may tell every hill, valley, and
tree that is therein ; being a very green and fair land.
The nth of December, we came to Cananor, another
fortress of the Portuguese. There we lay a day and a half,
to take in certain masts, with other provisions that we were
to use ; which are there in great abundance.
So we set sail again, keeping along the coast, and passed
by Calicut, Panane, and certain other places, until the 24th of
December, when we arrived at Cochin : where we lay till the
20th of January, anno 1589.
In the meantime, our ship was provided of all things
necessary ; and then we stayed, till our turn came to set sail :
J. H. y. Linschoten.-| ^ETHOD OF STOWING THE CaRRACKS. 6 I
because the other ships, according to the contract, were to set
sail before us, one after another. Which custom, I will here
partly set down in brief.
You shall understand that as soon as the ship hath taken
in her lading of pepper ; which is done with great care and
diligent watch, as well in the King's behalf as of the Far-
mers' ; and is laden on the two nether orlops, that is, upon
the ballast, and in the orlop next over it : laying deal boards
upon the ballast, and making certain places and divisions for
the purpose, with a hole over each place to shut in the pep-
per; and leaving room by the mainmast to pass by it. So
that there are, at the least, thirty several places, which they
call payoos; and all in the two lower orlops, as I said be-
fore : which, being all filled with pepper, they shut the holes
of those places very close with oakum and pitch ; and so
they are marked with numbers, how many they are, and upon
each place its weight of pepper.
These two orlops, being thus laden, there is left a place
about the mainmast to bestow water, wine, wood; and other
necessaries for the ship, which are daily used.
In the third orlop, and, on both sides thereof, there are
divers places severally made, that belong to the Officers of the
ship, as the Captain, Master, Pilot, Factor, Purser, &c. ; and
of all the rest of the sailors that are allowed places : which
they sell or let out unto the Merchants to lade goods therein ;
whereof they make good profit. Upon the same orlop, from
the mast to the stern, are the places where they put their
powder, biscuit, sails, cloths, and other provisions for the ship.
The other orlops above these, are laden by the merchants
with all sorts of wares ; which are in chests, fats, balls, and
packs ; and are placed in this sort, that is to say.
As soon as the pepper is laden, there are presently sent
into the ship two Waiters, and one that stoweth the goods,
as a Porter ; on the King's behalf. He hath ten or twelve
porters under him that only must lade and stow the goods in
the ship : the Master, nor any other, not once, having anything
to do with it; saving only the Chief Boatswain, who is to look
unto it, and yet commandeth nothing.
No goods may be laden whatsoever or how small soever
they be, but they must be registered in the King's books ;
and they must bring a billet [invoice] from the Veador da
62 Bribery of Waiters and Porters. P ""/
Linschotea
1594-
Fasenda, that is to say, the ** Surveyor of the business," being
Chief Officer for the King: wherein must be certified every kind
of ware, by piecemeal, which they lade ; together with the
name of the ship wherein it is to be laden. For without that
certificate, the Stowers and Porters will not take it in ; and,
although you have your billet, yet must you bribe the Waiters,
before you can get it aboard the ship : and something must
be given likewise to the Porters, besides their duties, if you
desire to stow your goods well, otherwise they will let it stand.
And he that giveth most hath the best place in the ship.
Yea, and they stow the ship so miserably full, that there is
not a hole or an empty place to be found, but it is full stuffed :
and all for their profit. It is oftentimes seen, that the Chief
Porter, that doth only command and look over the rest,
getteth for his part, in bribes, for stowage of a ship, sometimes
700 or 800 ducats [=-^190 to £21$ then=aboiit ^1,100 to
£1,300 now] , and the Waiters as much ; and this only by gifts.
These offices are given by favour of the Viceroy, and the
Veador de Fasenda : which is the cause that the ships are
oftentimes laden so full that they are in a manner ready to
sink ; so that a man would think it were impossible for them,
either to row or stir. Because the Officers and sailors of the
ships have nothing to do therewith, until the last hour that
it setteth sail, and then it is delivered into their hands;
and the Waiters and Porters go their ways, leaving the ships
full in every place, even to the uppermost orlop : where there
standeth commonly seven or eight chests, one above the other,
both in the stern and foreship, upon the cables, in the fore-
castle, in the stirrige [steerage] and in every place, which are
all full of great pots, fats, chests, hens' cages, and such like ;
so that it seemeth rather a Labyrinth or a Maze than a ship.
So they commit themselves to the grace of GOD, and set
sail : and oftentimes it falleth out, as it did in our ship, that
of fifty sailors which are above the ship, not above ten of
them could tell how to steer, or to handle the rudder : and
besides that, most of them were never at sea before, but get
their places by favour as all the rest do ; so that, being at
sea, when occasion serveth, they stand looking one upon
another, doing nothing, but cry, Misericordia I and, "Our
Lady ! help us ! "
In Cochin, there are a great number of boats called Tones
J. H. V. Unschoten.jYHE CaRRACKS SET SAIL FROM CoCHIN. 6^
that are cut out of one piece of wood ; and yet, some of them
are so great that a man may lade twenty pipes of water in
them. These they carry aboard the ships, that lie at least a
mile within the sea, and there they make price with them
for a small sum of money ; and then they go and fill the
pipes themselves, with pots which they have for the purpose :
and it is a great commodity to them. This water is brought
out of the river of Cochin, called Mangate, and it is very good.
Cochin to Saint Helena,
["Nd now I will show unto you the manner that is used
in the ships, when they sail home again : which, in
part, I have already touched ; as also of our
departure and voyage from India to Lisbon.
1589.
The 1st January 1589 [AT. 5.], the Santa Maria set sail ; and
because it was one of the oldest ships, it was first despatched
away ; by reason that the sooner they depart from Cochin,
they come in better time to the Cape of Good Hope : and the
later they come thither, the more storms and foul weather
they have, because as then the sun goeth further into the
north and leaveth the south parts. Therefore commonly they
let the best and strongest ships go last ; because they are
best able to hold out : and they stay the one for the other in
the island of Saint Helena, until the 25th day of May, and no
longer, which is the time appointed by the King ; and so go,
in company together, to Portugal. For from India unto the
island of Saint Helena they need not keep company ; because
all that way they fear no rovers : and to that island, they
have all their cannon shot pulled in [ ? guns run in], the
better to pass the foul weather at the Cape of Good Hope.
The 6th of January, the ship, called Nostra Sefiora de
Consepcao set sail.
The loth of the same, the admiral [flag ship], called San
Christopher.
The I2th, the Sant Antonio.
The 15th, the San Thomas, which was the greatest and
best ship in all the fleet ; and the richest of lading.
64 Privileges of soldiers on board, p^-^'j'
V. Linschoten.
1594-
And the 20th of the same month, we set sail in our ship,
called the Santa Cruz, being the last : wherein were about
200 men of all sorts ; as sailors, soldiers, and slaves.
Forfrom Indiatherego but few soldiers, without the Viceroy's
passport ; by virtue thereof they go to present their services,
and to fetch their pays and duties for the same. And this
they do, after they have served in India some years ; and also
when they have ability to pass over : for when they are poor,
and have no help, they must stay in India; even for necessity's
sake, because they have no meansto procure their passage. So
that many of them are constrained to tarry there, and to marry
Moors and Indian women, the better to' maintain themselves ;
although it be with misery enough. For the charges of a
man's vo3-age out of India is, at the least, 200 or 300 Pardaos
( = ;£'40 to £60 then = £2^o to £"360 now), and that only for
meat and drink ; which a poor soldier can hardly compass,
unless he can procure some gentleman, Captain, or wealthy
man in office to be favourable unto him, in helping him to
perform his journey.
For in the voyages homeward, the King giveth nothing to
each of the soldiers and passengers, but a free passage for
himself and a chest of four spans high and broad, and seven
spans in length ; and that, after they have been three years in
India. For that chest, they pay neither freight nor custom.
They have likewise a chest in the roomage [hold] free of
freight, for which they pay custom ; and this they may sell
to any merchant, as they commonly do, and is worth unto
them, at the least, 40 or 50 Pardaos [=£io to ^12 los. then
=;^6o or £75 now]. These places they call '* Liberties," and
he that buyeth them registereth them in the name of him
that he buyeth them of; to the end, that in Portugal, they may
enjoy the same liberty and privilege.
All the sailors and Officers of the ships, that sail in them
from Portugal, have likewise, besides their places in the
ships, the forage of such a chest allowed them, free of custom
and freight.
All these things are very sharply looked into. For although
the ships and goods are farmed ; j'et when they arrive at
Lisbon, all the chests are brought into the Indian House,
and there visited [searched], to see if any goods be in them that
J.H.v.Linschoten.-jPg^ SOLDIERS COME BACK FROM InDIA. 65
are forbidden to be brought out of India, as pepper, anill
[cochineal], or indigo, and other such wares as are farmed of
the King, and, if any be found, it is presently forfeited: and all
the wares that are in such chests are likewise valued ; so
that if they amount to more than the value of 1,000 Milreis
[ = ;^666 13s. 4d. tIicn=£4,ooo now], they must pay custom
for the over plus : which, in the time of the Kings of Portugal,
was not used. For then, they were accustomed to carry their
chests home, and to show them only to the Waiters : and
although the poor sailors and Officers do much complain for
the loss and breaking of their "liberties" ; yet can they not
be heard.
Thus there come but few soldiers out of India, for the
causes aforesaid. For I certainly believe that of the 1,500
soldiers and more, that, yearly, are sent thither out of Portugal ;
there returneth not a 100 again. Some dying there in the
country, others being cast away, and slain by divers occa-
sions : and the rest, by poverty, not able to return again, and
so, against their wills, are forced to stay in the country. If
any of them do chance to come [back], it is with some Viceroy,
Captain, or other gentleman, or person that hath borne office
or authority. And when such men come over [to Portugal],
they always bring some soldiers with them, to whom they
give meat and drink ; and yet, are such as are of their ac-
quaintance, and that had been long before at their command-
ment : which they do, for the most part, upon a certain pride
and vain glory.
And, in this sort, there may, yearly, come 20 or 30 soldiers
over, in each ship, which have their slaves and Blacke Mores
with them; so that they come clean and sweet home, both for
linen and other things. Because linen is very good cheap in
India : and the ships, when they return home, are cleaner than
when they set out of Portugal ; as they have fewer men in
them, and such as come out of India bring all their necessaries
with them. Besides, the ship is very sweet, by reason of the
spice with that is laden in it.
The partition of the ship is in this manner.
The Pilot hath his cabin above in the hinder part of the
ship, on the right side, where he hath two or three rooms ;
II. E 5
66 Internal Compartments of a Carrack. [^7''''°Jg^
and never cometh under [the] hatches, nor down into the
foreship: but standeth only, and commandeth the Master of
the ship to hoist or let fall the sails ; and to look unto his
course, how they shall steer; to take the height of the sun ;
and every day, to write and mark what passeth, how they
sail, and with what tokens, wind, and weather.
The Master hath his cabins in the same place, behind the
Pilot's cabins, on the left hand ; with as many places and
rooms as the Pilot hath ; where he standeth, and com-
mandeth with a silver whistle, and looketh only to the main
mast and her sails ; and so backwards [i.e., all masts and rig-
ging astern of it] : yet he hath the care of all the ship and
whatsoever belongeth to it ; and commandeth all things, as
to make and mend the sails, which he cutteth out and the
sailors sew them. He looketh also if there be any fault in
the ship, and causeth it to be mended : and, as need requireth,
to draw their cannon in, and again to put it out.
If he wanteth anything, as cloth for sails, nails, ropes, or any
such like things, as are needful ; he must have them of the
Factor and Purser of the ship ; which presently are delivered
unto him, with a note, of his hand[writing] in the book, to
be accountable for it.
The Chief Boatswain hath his cabin in the Forecastle [i.e.y
»Jie Castle in the front part of the Carrack, rising in three short
decks above the main deck in the centre of the ship] ; and hath
commandment and government over the Fouke mast [Fore-
mast] and the fore sails. He hath also a silver whistle, like
the Master; and taketh care for all things belonging to the
Fouke mast, and for the fast binding of the anchors.
The Guardian or Quartermaster hath his cabin close by
the great mast outward on the left hand; for on the right
hand, standeth the scullery and kitchen, where they dress
their meat. He weareth a silver whistle, and hath charge to
see the swabers pump, to make the ship clean ; to look to the
ropes, and cause them to be mended ; and to the boat, which
he commonly ruleth.
The Gunner hath his cabin inward from the mast, hard by
the rudder, under the first orlop : and must always sit by the
main mast, looking upon the Master, both night and day;
that, as the Master whistleth to will the gunners to draw in
their pieces or to thrust them out, he may be ready so to do.
Linschoten.
? 1594
] The Chief Officers live sumptuously. 67
He likewise taketh care for the pieces, and the things belong-
ing to them ; when they have cause to use them.
The Under Pilot doth nothing, but help the Chief Pilot, and
watch his quarter. They have likewise two or three of the
best sailors, that do nothing else but command in the Pilot's
room, when he sleepeth.
The sailors have most of their cabins in the forecastle and
thereabouts : and the gunners behind, by the Master Gunner,
under the upper deck ; and do nothing else but, with their in-
struments [implements], put the great pieces forth or draw them
in, as they are commanded.
The Swabers must do all whatsoever they are bidden to do
by the Officers, but never touch the rudder. For the sailors
do only steer and rule the ship when need requireth, but not
the pump. Neither do they hoist up the main sail: for the
soldiers and slaves use to do that. The swabers pump.
The Carpenter doth such work as is to be done. The
Cooper, in like sort : and also the Caulker. So that if
the ship were sinking, not any of them will do more than
belongeth to his charge : and what is further to be done, they
will stand still, and look upon it.
The Captain hath the Gallery, and the cabin behind. He
commandeth only over the soldiers, and such as watch by night.
The Pilot, Master, and the Chief Boatswain, are served in
very good sort, with their silver lamps, beakers [^06/^^s], cups,
and bowls; every [each] man by himself: and are waited on
by their slaves and servants, and have enough of every thing.
But the other sailors and swabers have not such store, but
endure more hardness : for every man must provide for him-
self, as we told you before.
Now you must understand that in their ships, there is no
Average. For when there happeneth any loss, or that any
goods are thrown overboard ; he standeth to the loss that
oweth [owneth] the goods, without any more accounts : and
that commonly falleth out upon the poor swabers, for they
usually have their chests standing upon the hatches ; because
they have nothing to give unto the Porters that they might
have a good place for them, as others, of greater ability use
to do. And when any storm or hurt chanceth ; then they
throw the things overboard that first come to hand : without
respect of persons, or any average to be made.
68 The New Track, direct to the Cape. [J- "• "■}
Linschoten.
1594-
In this sort, setting sail ; we held our course south-south-
east for the space of 150 miles till we came to 7^ S. of the
Equinoctial line [Equator] ; and from thence south-west-by-
west unto the Cape of Good Hope : which way was never
used before that time.
For they used to sail from Cochin south-west ; and south-
west-by-south between the Maldive islands, and a thousand
other islands and sands [shoals] unto the island of St. Law-
rence [Madagascar] ; and so to the Cape. But after that the
Pilot had lost the San jfago [in 15S6] upon the " Shallows of
India" [p/>. 30-3], and escaped alive (he was now Pilot of the
San Thomas, the best ship in all our fleet) ; he l^ad, the fore
voyage [the preceding one to this, in 1587] kept aloof 200 or
300 miles out into the sea, clean from all islands, sands, or
cliffs : saying that " the casting away of so many ships,
w^hereof no news or tidings could ever be heard, was that they
were cast away upon the sands [shoals] ; even as it chanced
unto him," and to avoid the dangers thereof, as also to win
the favour of the King and the Officers of the Admiralty, he
was the first that took upon him to discover that way, with
the ship wherein my Lord the Archbishop sailed [p. 40 1 . It is
almost the same w-ay, that the ships that came from Malacca
do hold, when they sail to Portugal ; wherein they see neither
islands nor sands, nor any other thing, but only the plain sea.
So he came unto Portugal, certifying the Admiralty of
that new way; and although he was cast into prison for the
same cause, yet, by favour, he was presently released : and
the Admiralty (perceiving it to be so great a danger for the
ships to §ail among the islands and sands, which they thought
to be the chief cause of the loss of so many ships) have ex-
pressly commanded that the Pilots should use that new dis-
covered way, according to the said Pilot's information, thereby
to avoid all danger.
But that is not the cause of their casting away ; although
many times, they are the means of much mischief: but the
chief reasons are, the unreasonable lading and charging of the
ships, the unskilful seamen, and the slack visiting or searching
of the ships, to see if they be fit to sail and have all things that
they want. By these, and such like means, the ships are daily
lost, as in other places [p/>. 32, 34, 62,] by examples, and
true witnesses, I have already declared ; and as the same
^7**°5,";]SlGHT THE SaAT TffOMAS, & RACE WITH HER. 69
Pilot, that first found the New Way, did well approve and
verify to be true in the San Thomas, that the sands or islands
did him no hurt, but only the overlading of her: wherewith,
the ship was burst in pieces, by the Cape; as hereafter I will
show [pj?. y8, 82]. Notwithstanding-, this way is not
therefore to be disliked, although it be somewhat further
about ; but it is a very good way, and wholly out of all danger
of sands and islands.
The 30th of January, in the night, we passed the Equinoc-
tial line ; and the next day, after, we descried a ship, which
we thought to be the San Tliomas.
The same day, one of our boys fell overboard ; to save
whom, we made all the haste we could to get out our small
boat : but because it stood full of things, we could not so soon
get it forth, but that in the meantime, the boy was cast at
the least two miles behind us; and so was drowned.
The 3rd of February, the ship we saw, came close by us,
and then we knew it to be the San Tliomas. We made to-
wards it to speak with them ; but when they began to know our
ship by the ropes, which were all white, being made of Indian
Cairo (fibre), and knowing that we were left behind them at
Cochin (for they had thought when they had descried us, we
had been one of the ships that first set sail) as also that their
ship was accounted one of the best for sailing in all the
fleet : for very pride and high stomach, they would not stay
to speak with us ; but made from us again. Which our
Officers perceiving, did likewise wind from them ; every [each]
one doing his best to get before the other.
By this, and such like signs of pride, the Portuguese do
often cast themselves away; and, as it may be conjectured,
it was one of the chief causes of the loss of the San Thomas :
for that they used all the means they could, to sail well, and
that they might pass the Cape before us ; whereof they use
[are accustomed] to brag, when they meet at the island of Saint
Helena; as if it were done by their wisdom.
So it fell out with the San Thomas, that coming to the
Cape of Good Hope, it had a contrary wind, whereby they
struck all their sails, and so lay driving against the waves of
the sea, which do fall against a ship as if it struck against a
hill : so that if the ship were of hard stones, yet, in the end,
they would break in pieces ; much more such ships as are
yo Foundering of the San Thomas. [J- "• ^'1^'^''^°^.^^^
made of wood. And this is commonly their manner, thereby
the sooner to pass the Cape : which our ship could not
bear; so that we put back again with the wind, yet as little
as we might, thereby to avoid the force of the sea, as much
as we could.
But because the Pilot of the San Thomas trusted overmuch
in her strength, and did purposely mean to be before us all,
thereby, as he thought, to win the praise ; the ship did, as it
well appeared, lie still, and drive without any sails, which
they call payrar [drifting] : and so, by the great force and
strength of the seas, together with the overlading, was
stricken in pieces and swallowed in the sea ; both men, and
all that was within her. As we might well perceive, coming
to the Cape, by the swimming of whole chests, fats, balls,
pieces of masts, dead men tied unto boards ; and such like
fearful tokens.
The other ships also that arrived in the island of Saint
Helena, told us likewise that they had seen the like most
pitiful sights ; which was no small loss of so great treasure,
and only many men. So that we, which beheld it, thought
ourselves not free from the like danger. It was one of the
richest ships that, in many years, had sailed out of India ;
and only by reason of the good report it had to be so good
of sailing, being but new (for then it was but her second
voyage), every man desired to go and lade their wares in her.
In the same ship, went Don Paulo de Lima Pereira,
that raised the siege of Malacca, and had served the King
thirty years in India, and had obtained many brave victories;
thinking then to be in the top of his honour, and to be much
advanced by the King. He also carried with him great
treasure in jewels and other riches ; also his wife, children,
and one of his brethren : with many other gentlemen and
soldiers that bare him company, thinking to have good
fortune in their voyage.
There were likewise ten or twelve gentlewomen, some of
them having their husbands in the ship ; others, whose
husbands were in Portugal. So that, to conclude, it was
full of people, and most of the gentility of India : and in
all our ships there were many, that seeing us in danger,
would say that "they might have gone safely in the San
Thomas,'" thinking it impossible that it should be cast away.
J. H. V. Linschoten.j ^^^^ Electrical Light ON THE Yards. 7 1
Therefore, it is manifestly seen that all the works and
imaginations of men are but mere vanities ; and that we
must only put our trust in GOD : for that if GOD be not
with us in our actions, all our labour is in vain.
But to return to our matter. Each ship did her best to be
first, until the 17th of February ; when we got before the San
Thomas, being in 7° S. : and from that time forwards, we saw
her no more ; but only the tokens of her casting away about
the Cape of Good Hope, which, after, when at the island of
St. Helena, was told us more at large.
The same day, we had a great storm of wind and rain, so
that the ruther of our great mast was broken by the force of
the sea. From the line, we had a north and north-west wind,
with continual rain, storms, and foul weather, never ceasing
till we came to 20° S., which was upon the 25th of February.
Then we had a south-east wind, called by the Portuguese the
"General Wind" [the Trade Wind] with fairer weather:
which they commonly find in 12° S., but we had it not before
we were under 20° S. The cause whereof, we thought to be,
that we had put so far into the sea, out of the common way.
This wind commonly holdeth to 27° or 28° S., a little more or
less : and then they must look for all kinds of winds and
weathers, till they come to the Cape of Good Hope.
The 5th of March, being in 25^^ S., we had an East wind,
with an exceeding great storm and rain ; so that our rudder-
staff [? handle] brake, and two more that we had in the ship,
brake likewise, one after the other, on being put unto it ; with
the pin and joint wherein the end of the rudder hung : so we
were forced to lie and drive, without steering, having struck
all our sails ; and the ship was so tossed by the waves on ali
sides, that we had not one dry place in all the ship. In this
sort, we lay driving, for the space of two days and two nights
together, with a continual storm and foul weather with
rain.
The same night, we saw upon the mainyard and in many
other places, a certain sign [electrical sparks] which the
Portuguese call Corpo Santo or " the holy body of Brother
Peter Gonsalves " ; but the Spaniards call it San Elmo,
and the Greeks (as ancient writers rehearse, and Ovid among
the rest) Hclle and Thryxns. Whensoever that sign showeth
upon the mast or mainyard or in any other place ; it is
72 Rudder handle broke, & mended again, [^^''''"^g^
commonly thought, that it is a sign of better weather.
When they first perceive it, the Master or Chief Boatswain
whistleth, and commandeth every man to salute it with
Salve, corpo santo ! and a, Misericordia ! with a very great cry
and exclamation.
This constellation, as astronomers do write, is engendered
of great moisture and vapours ; and showeth like a candle
that burneth dimly, and skippeth from one place to another,
never lying still. We saw five of them together, all like the
light of a candle, which made me wonder; and I should have
hardly believed it but that I saw it, and looked very earnestly
upon it. And although it was foul weather, whereby I had
no great leisure to think upon such curious things, yet I
purposely came from under the hatches, to note it. Those
five lights the Portuguese call Coroa de nossa Senhora, that is,
" Our Lady's crown ; " and have great hope therein, when
they see it. And therewithal our men, being all in great
fear and heaviness, began to revive again and to be glad ; as
if, thereby, they had been fully assured of better comfort.
The 7th of March, we had better weather ; and then we
took counsel how to mend our rudder. Some were of
opinion, we should sail to Mozambique, and rule the rudder
with a rope : others were of contrary opinion, and said we
might mend it aboard, and so perform our vo3'age. So that,
at the last, we pulled certain pieces out of the ship's side ;
for we had not brought one with us, as need required : but
being pulled forth, they were all too little, and would not
serve.
In the end, we found it convenient to take one of the
bosses in our ship, and thereof, to make an anvil ; and
of two oxhides, a pair of bellows ; wherewith we went to
work : and of a piece of an old hook or drag, we took two
or three ends whereof but one would serve, and that half
broken; and the splinters, we bound with an iron hoop. So,
it being fitted to the rudder ; we set forwards, in the name of
GOD.
This asked us two days' work, before we could despatch
it ; and we hoisted sail again, with great joy : and gave
divers alms to Our Lady and the saints, with many promises
of better life ; as men, being in misery, commonly do.
The day after, we took the height of the sun, and found
J. H. V. LinschotenJ PoUL WEATHER OFF NaTAL. 'J T,
ourselves to be in 28" 45°, and four hundred miles from the
land of Natal. There, we had good weather, with a south-east
wind.
Here is the hardest passage that is in all the voyage, and
oftentimes they fear the land of Natal more than the Cape :
for there, is commonly stormy and foul weather; and many
ships have been spoiled and cast away there, as the Portu-
guese records can very well show. In the same part also,
we found the signs of the casting away of the San Thomas.
So that, to conclude, commonly the ships do there pay tribute,
by casting some lading overboard, or else leave body and all
behind.
For this cause, they never pass Natal without great fear;
having a good watch and great foresight. All their ropes
being stiff, and well looked unto. The pieces drawn in ; all
chests, pots, fats, and other roomage, that are not stowed
under hatches, being thrown overboard into the sea : and
everything settled, and made ready in his place. For in this
coast they have one hour, fair weather : and another hour,
stormy weather; in such manner, as if heaven and earth
should waste and be consumed.
In that place likewise, with a clear and fair weather,
there cometh a certain cloud, which, in show, seemeth no
bigger than a man's fist, and therefore, by the Portuguese, is
called olho de boy or "ox eye"; and although then it is clear
and calm weather, and that the sails, for want of wind, do
beat against the masts : yet as soon as they perceive that
cloud, they must presently strike all their sails. For that,
commonly, it is upon the ships, before they perceive it : and
with such a storm and noise, that, without all doubt, it would
strike a ship into the water, if there be not great care had to
look unto it.
And it chanced to the Second Fleet, after the Portuguese
had discovered the [East] Indies : there being ten or twelve
ships in company, which, in such a calm and fair weather,
let all their sails hang, and regarded them not. And this
custom [fact], they observed in this their navigation. For
suddenly the cloud came, with a most horrible storm, and
fell upon them, before they could prevent [prepare for] it :
whereby seven or eight were sunk in the seas, and never heard
of again ; and the rest, with great hurt and much danger,
74 Dreadful weather near the Cape. [Jh-v.^i
Linschotea
'594-
escaped. But, from that time forwards, they looked better
to themselves ; and have learned to know it : so that, at this
present, they watch for it ; and yet, it giveth them work
enough to do.
The I2th of March, being in 31° S., we were right in the
wind [i.e., the wind was dead ahead], and had a calm ; where-
upon we struck all our sails ; and so lay driving four days
together, which the Portuguese call Payraes : having a very
high sea which tossed our ships in such sort, that the sailors
esteem it to be worse than a storm. For there, the waves
of the sea met in such sort on all sides, and clasped the ship
in such a manner betwixt them ; that the}' made all her ribs
to crack and in a manner to open : so that it is very dangerous
for the ship.
We were in very great care [fear] for our Fouke mast ; and
therefore we bound our masts and all the ship about cables,
as hard as we possibly might.
This continued to the 17th of March, and then we had a
fittle wind ; so that we hoisted sail again : but it continued
no longer than to the next day.
Then we fell again into the wind, and had a storm; where-
with our mainyard broke : and then again we struck all our
sails ; and so lay driving or payraer-mg, as the Portuguese
call it.
In the meantime, we mended our mainyard ; and so we
continued driving without our sails till the 20th of March :
with great risings of the waves of the sea, which tormented
us ; as in that place they commonly do. All which time we
were in 31° S., and could not pass forward.
In that time, we saw many birds, which the Portuguese
call Antenalcn, and are as big as ducks.
The 20th of March, we had a little wind, but very sharp ;
yet we hoisted our sails, and sailed by the wind.
The next night after, we had a calm ; which continued till
the 22nd : and then we fell again into the wind, with so great
a storm that we were compelled to strike all our sails, which
we could hardly pull in ; and could not stay the ship in any
sort, it drave so fast. Whereby we were in great danger,
so that we were compelled to bind the bonnet about the
Forecastle, which was our sail (for other sail we might
not bear) ; and so sailed backwards whither the wind would
J. H. V. Linschoten.-J js^^^ FORCED TO PUMP, NIGHT AND DAY. 75
drive us, thereby to have some ease. Yet we had enough to
do, for we were compelled to throw our great boat overboard;
with all chests, pots, and vessels that stood upon the hatches,
with other wares, such as came first to hand.
This storm continued for the space of two days and three
nights, without ceasing.
The 25th of March, being the day before Palm Sunday
[N.S.], we had better wind and weather, after we had given
great alms to our blessed Lady of the Annunciation, whose
feast was upon that day ; and again hoisted up our sails,
keeping our course towards the Cape.
At the same time, we had a disease [ ? scurvy] in our ship,
that took us in the mouth, lips, throat, and tongue ; which
took off the skin and made them swell : whereby they could
not eat but with great pain ; and not one in the ship but
had it.
The 8th of April, in the morning, after we had sailed
fifteen days before the wind, towards the Cape, we perceived
a sign of the land, which was green water : but we found no
ground; yet was it not above forty miles from the land,
according to the Pilot's judgement.
We saw there also divers of the birds, called Matigas de
velludo, that is, " Velvet sleeves " ; for they have upon the
ends of their wings, black points like velvet ; all the rest
being white and somewhat grey : which they hold for a cer-
tain sign of land, that lieth within the Cape of Good Hope,
called Baya de la Goa, or " the Bay of the Lake " in
33f S.
The gth of April, at night, we were again right in the wind,
i^ 35° 30' S., with a great storm and foul weather, that con-
tinued till the 14th of the same month : so that we were
compelled (not being able to endure the force of the sea, with
the continual storm and foul weather) to sail back again
before the wind, with the half of our Fouke sail up. For we
found ourselves not strong enough to drive without sails, as
the ship commonly used to do, which oftentimes is the cause
of their casting away : as it may well be judged by reason of
the great force and strength of the waves that run there, so
that it seemeth almost impossible for a ship to bear out so
great a force, though it were of iron.
And though we sailed [backwardl before the wind, yet we
76 Settle to go back to Mozambique. [J-^-^j'
H. V. Linschoten.
1594-
had danger enough ; for the sea came behind and over our
ship, and filled all the hatches : whereby we were compelled
to bind our masts, cables, and all the ship round about with
ropes; that, with the great force of the sea, it might not stir,
and fly to pieces. And we were forced to pump, night and day.
We had at each end of the Fouke-yard, a rope that reached
to the Pilot : and at each rope, there stood fifteen or sixteen
men : the Pilot sitting in his seat ; and the under Pilot be-
hind, upon the stern of the ship [which was now going back-
wards, stern first] to mark the course of the sea, and so to
advertise the other Pilot. At the rudder, there stood ten or
twelve men ; and the other sailors upon the hatches, to rule
the sails.
As the waves came and covered the ship, the Under Pilot
called, andthenthe Chief Pilot spake tothem at the rudder "to
hold stiff! "and commanded the ropes that were at the Fouke-
yard to be pulled stiff. The sailors and the Chief Boatswain
likewise standing on the hatches, to keep the ship right in the
waves : for if the waves had once gotten us about that they
had entered on the sides of the ship, it had been certainly said
of us, requiescantin pace. And it was there, almost as cold as
it is here with us [in Holland] in winter, when it freezeth
not. Whereby we were all sore toiled, and in a manner out
of heart : so that we esteemed ourselves clean cast away.
For we were forced, by turns, not one excepted, to go to
the rudder, and from thence to the pump ; so that we had no
time to sleep, eat, rest, nor clothe ourselves. And to help us
the better, the staff [ ? handle] of our rudder brake in pieces,
and had almost slain two or three of our men : but GOD had
pity on us ; so that there happened no other hurt, but that
some of them were a little amazed [stunned].
This continued till the 14th of April, without any change ;
whereupon all the Officers of the ship assembled, together
with others of the company, taking counsel what was best to
be done : and perceiving the ship not to be strong enough to
pass the Cape, they concluded, by Protestation whereunto
they subscribed their hands, to sail with the ship to Mozam-
bique, and there to winter and to repair the ship, and provide
all necessaries for it.
Which greatly grieved the common sort, because they did find
as great danger in turning back again to Mozambique, as to
f. H. Y. Linschoten.-j QQD FAVOURS EnGLISH heretics. •]"]
pass the Cape; for they were to sail again by the land of Natal,
which they feared as much as the Cape. And also, though they
did arrive at Mozambique, yet they accounted it as much as
a lost voyage. For they must stay there till next year, and
spend there all they have ; for all things that come thither,
are brought out of India, so that everything there is as dear
as gold : which would be hard for the poor sailors and
swabers, having but little means to relieve themselves ; and
thereby they should be constrained to sell that little they had
brought with them for half the value. Besides that, they
were then about 500 miles from Mozambique.
Wherefore, there grew a great noise and murmuring in
the ship, that cursed the Captain and Officers, because the
ship was badly provided : for it had not one rope more than
hung about the ship ; nor anything whereof to make them,
if those that we had, should have chanced to break.
The Captain laid the fault on the Master, because he asked
not for them, when he was at land. The Master said that
he had spoken for them, and that the cairo or hemp, whereof
ropes are made in India, was delivered to the Captain ; and
that he had sold the best part thereof, to put the money in
his purse : and that was the cause why we wanted.
With this disorder, they bring their matters to pass, not
once remembering what may fall out : but when they are
in danger; then, there is nothing else but crying Miseri-
cordia! and calling to " Our Lady" for help.
The Captain could not tell what to answer, seeing us in
that trouble; but said that "He marvelled at nothing so
much, as why our LORD GOD suffered them (being so good
Christians and Catholics as they were) to pass the Cape
with so great torments and dangerous weather, having so
great and strong ships : and that the Englishmen (being
heretics, and blasphemers of GOD) passed the Cape so easily,
with such small and weak vessels." For they had received
news in India, that an English ship [ ? Drake's Pelican,
on 18th June 1580; or Cavendish's ship, the Desire, eleven
months before, viz., on the igth of May 1588, see Vol. I. p. 293]
had passed the Cape, with very great ease.
So we made back again towards Mozambique, being in
great despair ; for no man cared to lay his hand to work, and
hardly any man would obey the Officers of the ship. Sailing
yS Amazed to find themselves in 3 7° S. p- "■ ''•^'
Linschoten
IS94
in this manner, we perceived divers vessels [casks, S'c], and
boards with dead men bound upon them, driving in the sea :
which comforted us a httle, we thinking that some of the
other ships were in the same taking; and had thrown some
of their goods overboard, and so made towards Mozambique
before us : whereby we thought to have company, and that
we were not alone unfortunate ; for it is commonly said that
** companions in misery are a comfort to one another," and
so it was to us. But, I would to GOD ! it had been so, as we
imagined ; but it was far worse than turning back again : for
those were the signs of the casting away of the San Thomas ;
as we were afterwards advertised in the island of Saint Helena.
The 15th of April we had another great calm ; which con-
tinued till the 17th : and taking the height of the sun, we
found ourselves to be 37° S., to the great admiration [astonish-
ment] of all the company. For being, as I said, in 35° S.,
and having sailed for the space of five days, with so great a
wind and stormy weather, we should rather, by all men's
reason, have lessened our degrees ; and by estimation, we
made account to have been in 30° S., or 32° S. at the highest.
The cause why our ship went backward, in that sort, against
wind and weather, towards the Cape, thinking we made
towards Mozambique, was by the water, which in those
countries carrieth with a very strong stream [current] towards
the Cape : as the Pilot told us he had proved at other times ;
yet he thought not that the water had run with so great a
stream as now, by experience, he found it did.
So as it seemed that GOD, miraculously (against man's
reason and judgement, and all the force of wind and storms),
would have us pass the Cape, when we were least in hope
thereof: whereby we may plainly perceive that all men's
actions, without the hand of GOD, are of no moment.
The same day, we again saw green water, and the birds
called Mangas de velludo or " Velvet sleeves ; " which are
certain signs of the Cape of Good Hope : and, about evening,
a swallow flew into our ship, whereat they much rejoiced,
saying that "It was a sign and foreshowing that Our Lady
had sent the swallow on board to comfort us ; and that we
should pass the Cape." Wherewith they once again agreed
to prove if we could pass it ; seeing we had had such signs
and tokens to put us in good comfort that GOD would help
J. H.y.L!nschoten.-| TrY ONCE MORE FOR THE CaPE. 79
US. This being concluded [settled], we sang the Litany with
Ora pro nobis! and gave many alms; with promises of pil-
grimages and visitations and such like things, which was
our daily work.
With that, the sailors and others began to take courage
and to be lusty, every one willingly doing his office : offering
rather to lose life and welfare in adventuring to pass the
Cape ; than, with full assurance of their safety, to return to
Mozambique. We had then great waves, and very big water
in the sea : which left us not, till we came to the other side
of the Cape.
The i8th of April, we fell again into the wind, with as
great storms and foul weather as ever we had before ; so that
we verily thought we should have been cast away : for at
every minute, the sea covered our ship with water. To
lighten her, we cast overboard divers chests, and much cinna-
mon, with other things that first came to hand. Wherewith
every man made account to die ; and began to confess them-
selves, and to ask each other's forgiveness: thinking, without
more hope, that our last day was come. This storm con-
tinued in this sort, at the least, for the space of twenty-four
hours. In the meantime great alms were given in our ship
to many Virgin Maries and other saints ; with great devotion
and promises of other wonderful things, when they came to
land. At the last, GOD comforted us, and sent us better
weather. For, on the 19th of April, the weather began to
clear up ; and therewith, we were in better comfort.
The 20th of April, we took the height of the sun, and
found it to be 36° S. : and again we saw green water, some
birds which they call Alcatraces [i.e., albatrosses], and many
sea-wolves ; which they hold for certain signs of the Cape of
Good Hope. We were, as we thought, hard by the land;
but yet saw none. The same day, we had the wind some-
what fuller, and were in great hope to pass the Cape : so that
the men began to be in better comfort, by reason of the signs
we had seen.
All that day, we saw green water, till the 22nd of April,
upon which day, twice, and in the night following, we cast
out the lead, and found no ground : which is a good sign
that we had passed the Cape das Aquilhas, or " the Cape of
Needles," which lieth in 35° S., about twenty miles from the
8o At length, they pass the Cape, [J- h. v. Linschoten.
Cape of Good Hope in 34° 30' S. As about this Cape das
Aquilhas, ground is found, at the least, thirty or forty miles
from the land, we knew we were past it : and also by the
colour of the water, and the birds which are always found
there. And the better to assure us, the great and high sea
that had so long tormented us, left us ; and then we found a
smoother water, much differing from the former : so that we
then seemed to have come out of hell into paradise, with as
great joy as if we thought we were within the sight of some
haven. And had withal, a good wind ; though somewhat
cold.
The 23rd of April, we passed the Cape of Good Hope, wdth
a great and general gladness ; it being then three months
and three days after we had set sail from Cochin : not once
seeing any land or sands [shoals] at all, but only the assured
tokens of the said Cape ; which happeneth very seldom, for
the Pilots do always use what means they can to see tht
Cape and to know the land, to certainly know thereby that
they are past it. For then, their degrees must lessen ; and
then they may as soon [hap to] make towards Mozambique
as to the island of St. Helena. For although they can well
perceive it by the water, yet is it necessary for them to see
the land, the better to set their course unto St. Helena:
wherein they must always keep on the left hand ; otherwise
it were impossible for them to come at it, if they leave that
course. For if they once pass it, they cannot come to it
again : because there bloweth continually but one kind of
wind, which is south-east [Trade Wind]. Thus having passed
the Cape, we got before the wind.
The 24th of April, the Pilot willed us to give bona viagen
unto the Cape of Good Hope, according to the custom :
which was done with great joy and gladness, by all that were
in the ship. For then, they assure themselves that they sail
to Portugal, and shall not turn again into India : for so long
as they are not past the Cape, they are always in doubt. We
were then about 50 miles beyond the Cape.
The signs and tokens whereby they know themselves to
have certainly passed the Cape, are great heaps and pieces
of thick reeds that always thereabouts drive upon the
water, at least 15 or 20 miles from the land ; also certain
birds called by the Portuguese, Feisoins, somewhat greater
J. H. V. Linschoten."! AND ARRIVE AT St. HeLENA. 8i
than seamews, being white and full of black spots all over
their bodies ; and are very easy to be known from all other
birds.
Having passed the Cape, the Pilots set their course for St.
Helena, north-west, and north-west-by-west.
The 27th of April, we were right in the wind, and so con-
tinued till the next day ; and then we had a calm, being
in 30° S. on the Portugal side.
The 29th of April, we got before the General Wind [the
Trade Wind] that always bloweth in those countries, all the
whole year, until you come to the Equinoctial line: so that
they may well let their sails stand, and lay them down to
sleep ; for, in the greatest wind that bloweth there, they need
not strike their mainyard, above half the mast.
The 1 2th of May, in the morning, betimes, we discovered the
island of St. Helena : whereat there was as great joy in the
ship, as if we had been in heaven. We were then about two
miles from the land, the island lying from us west-south-west;
whereunto we sailed so close that, with a caliver shot, we
might reach unto the shore. Being hard by it, we sailed
about a corner of land that lay north-west from us, which
having compassed, we sailed close by the land, west-north-
west: the land on that side being so high and steep that it
seemed to be a wall that reached to the skies.
In that sort, we sailed [on the north side of the island]
about a mile and a half, and compassed about the other
corner that lay westward from us : which corner being com-
passed, we presently perceived the ships that lay in the road;
which were those ships that set sail before us out of India.
They were lying about a small half mile from the foresaid
corner, close under the land ; so that as the land there lieth
south-east from them, by reason of the high land, the ships
lie there as safe as if they were in a haven. For they may
well hear the wind whistle on the tops of their mainyards ;
but lower it cannot come : and they lie so close under the
land, that they may almost cast a stone upon the shore.
There is good ground there at 25 and 30 fathoms deep; but
if they chance to put further out or to pass beyond it ; they
must go forward, for they can get no more unto the land.
For this cause we kept so close to the shore, that the height
of the land took the wind from us ; and as the ship would
II F 5
82 Find all the ships, but the San Thomas. [
Linschoten.
1594'
not steer without wind, so it drave upon the land : whereby
our boresprit [hoivsprit] touched the shore ; and therewith,
we thought that ship and goods had all been cast away. But,
by reason of the great depth, being ten fathoms, of water ;
and, with the help of the boats and men of the other ships
that came unto us, we put off from the land, without any
hurt : and by those boats, we were brought to a place where
the other ships lay at anchor ; which is right against a
valley, that lieth between two high hills, wherein there
standeth a little church, called Saint Helena.
There we found five ships, which were, the ship that came
from Malacca ; and the Santa Maria, which had been there
about fifteen days [i.e., had arrived 2'jth of April] : both of
which came together to the Cape of Good Hope. The Sant
Antonio, and the San Christopher, the admiral, that had
arrived there ten days before [i.e., on 2nd of May] : and the
Nostra Senora de Concepcao, which came thither but the day
before us [i.e., iith of May]. So that there wanted none of
the fleet, but the Saji Thomas; and, by the signs and tokens
that we and the other ships had seen at sea (as masts, deals,
fats, chests, and many dead men that had bound themselves
upon boards ; with a thousand other such like signs), we pre-
sumed to be lost : as we after understood, for it was never
seen after[wards].
Our admiral [fag ship] likewise, had been in great danger
of casting awa}'. For, although it was a new ship, and this
the first voyage it had made ; yet it was so eaten with worms,
that it had, at the least, 20 handsful deep of water within it.
At the Cape, they were forced to throw half of the goods over-
board into the sea ; and were constrained continually to pump
with two pumps, both night and day, and never hold still.
And being at the island of St. Helena, she had there also
sunk to the ground, if the other ships had not helped her.
The rest of the ships could likewise tell what dangers and
miseries they had endured.
About three months before our arrival at St. Helena [i.e.,
in February 1589] there had been a ship, which, the year
before, set out of Ormus, with the goods and men that
remained of the San Salvador at Zanzibar, that had been
saved by the Portuguese army, and brought to Ormus, as in
[.H.v.Linschoten.-j LiNSCHOTEN MEETS AfHUISEN THERE. S^
another place I have declared [see p. 44]. That ship had
wintered in Mozambique, and had passed by the Cape very
soon; and so sailed, without any company, to Portugal. She
left some of her sick men on the island, as the manner is ;
which the next ships that come thither, must take into
them.
These gave us intelligence that four [or rather eleven]
months before our arrival, there had been an English ship
[Cavendish's ship the Desire, see Vol. I. p. 293] at the island
of St. Helena, which had sailed through the Straits of
Magellan, and through the South Seas, and from thence, to
the Philippine Islands ; and had passed through the Straits ot
Sunda, that lie beyond Malacca, between the islands ol
Sumatra and Java : in the which way, she had taken a ship
of China, such as they call Junks, ladened with silver and
gold, and all kinds of silks. And that, she sent a letter, with
a small present, to the Bishop of Malacca, telling him,
" That she sent him that of friendship, meaning to come her-
self and visit him."
Out of that ship of China, they took a Portuguese Pilot ;
and so passed the Cape of Good Hope, and came to the
island of St. Helena : where they took in fresh water and
other necessaries, and beat down the altar and cross that
stood in the church.
They left behind them a kettle and a sword, which the
Portuguese, at our arrival, found there : yet could they not
conceive or think what that might mean ? Some thought it
was left therefor a sign to some other ships of his company;
but every man may think, what he will thereof.
In the ship of Malacca came for Factor of the Pepper one
Gerrard van Afhuisen, born in Antwerp, and dwelling in
Lisbon : who had sailed from Lisbon, in the same ship,
about two years before. For they had stayed in Malacca, at
the least, fourteen months ; by reason of the wars and
troubles that were in that country, until Malacca was re-
lieved as I said before [//>. 42-46]: whereby they had passed
great misery, and been at great charges. And because it is
a very unwholesome country, together with the constant
lying there so long ; of 200 men that at first sailed from
Lisbon in the ship, there were but 18 or 20 left alive : so that
84 Description of St. Helena, in 1589.^ "•
Linschoten
? 1594-
they were enforced to take in other unskilful men, in Malacca,
to bring the ship home.
This Gerr.\rd van Afhuisen, being of mine acquaint-
ance, and my good friend before my departure out of Portugal
for India, marvelled and joyed much to find me there, little
thinking that we should meet in so strange a place : and
there, we discoursed of our past travels.
And of him, among divers other things, I learned many
true instructions, as well of Malacca as of the countries and
islands lying about it ; both as to their manner of dealing in
trade or merchandise, as in other memorable things.
St. Helena to Lisbon,
He Island of St. Helena is six miles in compass, and
heth in 16° 15' S.
It is a very high and hilly country, so that it
commonly reacheth unto the clouds. The country
itself is very ashy and dry. Also all the trees (whereof there
is a great store, and grow of themselves in the woods) that
are therein, are little worth, but only to burn.
When the Portuguese first discovered it \pn 21st May 1502],
there were not any beasts or fruits at all within the island ;
but only a great store of freshwater. This is excellently good,
and falleth down from the mountains, and so runneth, in
great abundance, into the valley where the Church standeth;
and from thence, by small channels in the sea, where the
Portuguese fill their vessels full of water, and wash their
clothes. So that it is a great benefit for them ; and a pleasant
sight it is to behold, how clear, and in how many streams, the
water runneth down the valley : which may be thought a
miracle considering the dryness of the country, together with
the stony rocks and hills therein.
The Portuguese have, by little and little, brought many
beasts into it ; and planted all sorts of fruits in the valleys :
which have grown there in so great abundance, that it is
almost incredible. For it is so full of goats, bucks, wild hogs,
hens, partridges, and doves, by thousands, that any man that
that will, may hunt and take them. There would be always
J H. V. Linschoten.J J^ jg ^^ EARTHLV PaRADISE. 85
plenty and sufficient, although there came as many ships
more to the island as there do : and they may kill them with
stones and staves, by reason of the great numbers of them.
Now for fruits, as Portuguese figs, pomegranates, oranges,
lemons, citrons, and such like fruits ; there are so many that
grow without planting or setting, that all the valleys are full
of them : which is a great pleasure to behold, so that it
seemeth to be an earthly Paradise. It hath fruit all the year
long, because it raineth there, by showers, at the least five or
six times every day ; and then again, the sun so shineth that
whatsoever is planted there, it groweth very well. But,
because the Portuguese are not over curious of new things,
there groweth not of all sorts of fruits of Portugal and India in
that island. For assuredly, without any doubt, they would
grow well in that land, because of the good temperature of
the air.
Besides this, they have so great abundance of fish round
about the island, that it seemeth a wonder wrought of GOD ;
for, with crooked nails, they may take as much fish as they
will : so that all the ships do provide themselves with fish of
all sorts in that place, which is hung up and dried ; and is of
as good a taste and savour as any fish that I ever ate,
and this every man, that hath been there, affirmeth to be true.
And the better to serve their turns ; upon the rocks, they
find salt, which serveth them for their necessary provisions.
So that, to conclude, it is an earthly Paradise for the
Portuguese ships ; and seemeth to have been miraculously
discovered for the refreshing and service of the same : con-
sidering the smallncss and highness of the land, lying in the
middle of the Ocean seas, and so far from the firm land or
any other islands, that it seemeth to be a Buoy placed in the
middle of the Spanish seas. For if this island were not, it
were impossible for the ships to make any good or prosperous
voyage. For it hath often fallen out, that some ships which
have missed thereof, have endured the greatest misery in the
world; and were forced to put into the coast of Guinea,
there to stay the falling of the rain, and so to get fresh
water; and afterwards came, half dead and spoiled, to
Portugal.
It is the fashion, that all the sick persons that are in the
s-hips, and cannot well sail in them, are left there in the
86 St. Helena, a Portuguese sanatorium. [^'"/^'""Jgl;
island ; with some provision of rice, biscuit, oil, and spices :
for fish and flesh, they may have enough. For when the ships
are gone, then all the beasts (which, by reason of the great
number of people, fly into the mountains) come down again
into the valleys ; where they may take them with their hands,
and kill them as they list.
These sick men stay there till the next year, till other
ships come hither, which take them with them. They are
commonly soon healed in that island, it being a very sound
and pleasant country : and it is very seldom seen that any of
them die there, because they have always a temperate air and
cool wind, and always fruit throughout the whole year.
The King will not suffer any man to dwell in it, because
they should not destroy and spoil the country, and hold it as
their own : but will have it common for every man to take
what he hath need of.
In time past, there dwelt an hermit in the isle, under pre-
tence of doing penance, and to uphold the Church. He
killed many of the goats and bucks : so that, every year, he
sold at the least 500 or 600 skins, and made great profit
thereon ; which the King hearing, caused him presently to be
brought from thence to Portugal.
Likewise, upon a time, two Kaffirs or black people of
Mozambique, and a Javanese, with two women slaves, stole
out of the ships ; and hid themselves in the rocks of this
island, which are very high and wild, whereby men can
hardly pass them. They lived there together, and begat
children, so that, in the end, there were, at the least, twenty
persons : who, when the ships were gone, ran throughout the
island, and did much hurt ; making their houses and dwell-
ing-places between some of the hills where not any of the
Portuguese had been, nor yet could easily come at them, and
therein they hid themselves till the ships were gone. But, in
the end, they were perceived, and the Portuguese used all
the means they could to take them : but they knew so well
how to hide and defend themselves that, in many years, they
could not be taken. In the end, fearing that in time they
might be hurtful unto them and hinder them much ; by
express commandment of the King, after long and great
labour, they took them all, and brought them prisoners to
Portugal.
J.H.v.Lin,chote„.-] ^^^ CaRRACKS LEAVE St. H ELENA. 87
So that, at this present, no man dwelleth therein ; but
only the sick men, as I told you before.
When the ships come thither, every man maketh his
lodging under a tree, setting a tent about it ; and the trees
are there so thick, that it presently seemeth a little town or
an army in the field. Every man provideth for himself, flesh,
fish, fruit, and wood ; for there is enough for them all : and
every one washeth linen.
There, they hold a General Fasting and Prayer, with Mass
every day : which is done with great devotion, with proces-
sion, and thanksgiving, and other hymns; thanking GOD,
that He hath preserved them from the danger of the Cape of
Good Hope, and brought them to that island in safety.
They use oftentimes to carve their names and marks in
trees and plants, for a perpetual memory : whereof many
hundreds are there to be found; which letters, with the
growing of the trees, do also grow bigger and bigger.
We found names that had been there since the years 1510
and 1515, and every year following, orderly; which names
stood upon fig trees, every letter being of the bigness of a
span, by reason of the age and growing of the trees.
This shall suffice for the description of the island of St.
Helena.
The 2ist of May [iV. 5.], being Saint Helena's Dayand Whit-
sunday, after we had taken in all our fresh water and other
necessaries, we set sail altogether in company, and directed
our course towards Portugal : leaving about fifteen sick men
in the island, and some slaves that ran out of the ships.
The 26th of May, in the evening, we spoke with the Santa
Maria, and the next day [2yth of May] with the Galleon of
Malacca. The same morning, and in the afternoon, with
the Admiral ; who willed us to follow him unto the Island of
Ascension.
The same day, [27/A] one of our slaves fell overboard, and
although we used all the means we could to save him; yet
v/e could not do it, by reason we sailed before the wind.
The same day, at night, we saw the island of Ascension ;
and lavered [tacked] all that night, because we would not pass
the island.
88 The ships pass close by Ascension, [J- ^^-
Linschoten.
? IS94-
In the morning of the 28th of May, we sailed about the
island, to see if there were any ground to anchor on : because
the Admiral was so leaky, that she could no longer hold out.
Her men had desired the Officers of the ship that they would
lay the goods on land in the island of Ascension, and there
leave it with good watch and necessaries for them that kept
it ; and so sail with the empty ship to Portugal and there
procure some other ship to fetch the goods : thinking it was
sufficient to have it well watched and kept there ; for that
there cometh not a ship in twenty years into that island, be-
cause there is nothing to be had in it.
We went close unto it, by a very white and fair sand,
where the Admiral and all the ships cast out the lead, and
found from 80 to 50 and 40 fathoms of water. And although
they might have gone closer to the land, yet the Officers
excused themselves, saying, *' That they could not go nearer,
and that it was too deep, and very dangerous for them to
anchor there," which they said to pacify the men ; desiring
that they might borrow two pumps more of the other ships,
and so, without doubt, they could bring the ship safe to
Portugal. And although it would be great pain and labour
for them to do it, yet they must, of force, content themselves :
for the Admiral and all the gentlemen that were in the ship,
pumped both day and night, as their turns came about, as
well as the meanest ; only to encourage the people.
They borrowed one pump of the Santa Maria ; and sent to
desire us to lend them another. Although our ship was none
of the best among the fleet, and we were of opinion not to lend
them any (not knowing what need we should have ourselves,
having so long a way to sail) : yet, in the end, seeing the
great necessity they were in ; we lent them one : the rather
because they said that "The admiral's meaning was, if it
were calm weather, to discharge some of their wares into
other ships ; thereby to lighten themselves " : but it fell not
out as they thought ; so that, with great misery and labour,
they overcame their voyage.
This island lieth in 8° 30' S. There is not any fresh water
in it, nor one green leaf or branch. It hath certain fair and
white sands about it ; and a great store of fish, wherein it
surpasseth St. Helena.
From that island, the ships hold their course north-west-
J. H. V. Linschoten.-| j^^^ g^j^ THROUGH THE SaRGASSO Sea. 89
by- west, to 1° N., where there h'eth a cliff [rock] called
Penedo de Sam Pedro ; which many times they see. It is
300 miles from the island of Ascension.
The 5th of June, we again passed the Equinoctial line, and
then again began to see the North Star.
The 8th of June, being 4° N., we lost our General South-
east Wind, that had served us from the Cape of Good Hope
hither.
Then began the rains and calms, for then we began to come
near the coast of Guinea ; which continueth to 9° N. These
calms and rains held us till 11° N., being the 20th of June.
The shipsseparated themselves, by reason of the calms, which
made them not able to stir : and in 11° N., they met again.
There we had a north-east wind, which is called a General
Wind, because it fioweth continually in those countries; and
holdeth to 30° N., and 32° N.; beginning many times at 6°
N., and 7° N., be it we had it not, till we were in 11° N. This
wind is somewhat scant ; for we must, of force, sail in the
wind, because our chief course is north-west-by-north.
The 23rd of June, we passed Cape de Verde, in 15° N.
The 26th of the same month, we passed the Islands of Cape
de Verde, which are ten in number.
Then we entered into the Sargasso Sea, which is all covered
with herbs, so that it seemeth to be like a green field ; and
so thick that a man cannot see the water, neither can the
ships passed through it, but with great lalDour, unless they
have a strong wind. The herb is like samphire, of a yellow
colour; and hath berries like gooseberries, but nothing in
them. The Portuguese call it Sargasso, because it is like the
herb Sargasso, that groweth in their wells in Portugal. It is
not known whence it cometh : for there is no land nor island
known to be near that sea, but the coast of Africa, which is
400 miles from thence. It is thought that it cometh from
the ground ; and yet there is no ground in that place to be
found.
In sailing to India, the ships come not into that sea ; for
then they keep closer to the shore, so that it is not once seen :
and it is not found in any place but there, from 20° N. to
34° N., so thick and so full, as if they were whole island;?,
most strange to behold. In that country, it is as cold in
winter as it is here with us [in Holland], when it freezes not;
90 Sight the Azores, & meet English ships. [^'"^
PLinschoten.
1594-
which the Portuguese esteem a great cold ; and clothe them-
selves against it, as we do in a mighty great frost.
The 2nd of July, we were in the height [latitude] of the
Canary Islands, in 28° N. and 29° N. ; which lay on our
right hand.
The 6th of July, we were under 32° N., where we lost the
General North-east Wind, and had a calm, and saw much of
the Sargasso, which covered all the sea.
The loth of the same month, we got again before the wind,
being in 34° N. ; and then, we saw no more of the Sargasso
herb, but a fair clear sea.
The i8th of July, we were in 39° N., under which height
lieth the islands of Corvo and Terceira ; and the river of
Lisbon : all these days we had many calms.
The next day, we had a west wind, being a right fore
wind ; and saw many flying fishes, almost as great as had-
docks ; that flew four or five fathoms high above the water.
The 22nd of July [N.S.], the wind continuing, about noon,
we saw the islands of Flores and Corvo, which lie close to one
another. From thence, it is 70 miles Eastward, to the island
of Terceira.
At that time, we began to have many sick men, that is to
say, some sick in their eyes, and some in their breasts and
bellies, by reason of the long voyage, and because their
victuals began to loose their taste and savour. Many wanted
meat [i.e., had no animal food] : whereby divers of them,
through want, were compelled to seethe rice with salt water.
So that some of them died ; which, many times, were found
under the fore deck, that had lain dead two or three days,
no man knowing it : which was a pitiful sight to behold,
considering the misery they endured aboard those ships.
There died in our ship, from India unto that place, of
slaves and others, to the number of twenty-four persons.
The same day, about evening, being by the islands of
Flores and Corvo, we perceived three ships that made
towards us, which came from under the land : which put
us in great fear, for they came close by our admiral, and
shot divers times at him, and at another ship of our company;
whereby we perceived them to be Englishmen (for they bare
an English flag upon their maintop), but none of them
J. H. v.Linschoten.-j -p^jg Ej^^qlish FIGHT THE Santa Cruz. 91
showed to be about 60 tons in greatness [while the size of each
Carrack was from 600 to 1,600 tons\ About evening, they
followed after us: and all night, bore lanterns with candles
burning in them at their sterns, although the moon shined.
The same niglit, we passed hard by the island of Fayal.
The next day [23;-^], being betwixt the island of St. George
that lay on our right hand, and the small island of Qracioso
on our left hand ; we espied the three English ships, still
following us, take counsel together : whereof one sailed
backwards (thinking that some other ship had come after us
without company), and, for a small time, was out of sight ;
but it was not long before it came again to the other two.
Wherewith they took counsel, and all three came together
against our ship, because we lay in the lee of all the ships,
and had the island of St. George on the one side instead of a
sconce [bulwark], thinking so to deal with us that, in the
end, we should be constrained to run upon the shore ;
whereof we wanted not much.
In that manner, with their flags openly displayed, they
came lustily towards us, sounding their trumpets ; and
sailed at least three times about us, beating [firing at] us
with musket and caliver, and some great pieces ; which did
not hurt us in the body of our ship, but spoiled all our sails
and ropes. And to conclude, we were so plagued by them
that no man durst put forth his head ; and when we shot off
a piece, we had at the least an hour's work to lade it again ;
whereby we had as great a noise and cry in the ship as if we had
been cast away : whereat the Englishmen themselves began
to mock us ; and with a thousand jesting words called unto us.
In the meantime, the other ships hoisted all their sails, and
did the best they could to sail to the island of Terceira; not
looking once behind them to help us, and doubting [fearing]
they should come too late thither : not caring for us, but
thinking themselves to have done sufficiently, so they saved
their own stakes ; whereby it maj' easily be seen, what
company they keep one with the other, and what order is
among them.
In the end, the Englishmen, perceiving small advantage
against us (little knowing in what case and fear we were),
and also because we were not far from Terceira, left us ;
which made us not a little to rejoice, as thinking ourselves
92 All amazed at the news, at Angra, [^"f'^S
to be risen from death to life : although we were not well
assured, neither yet void of fear, till we lay in the road befoie
Terceira, and under the safety of the Portuguese fort; and we
made all the sails we could, that we might get thither in good
time.
On the other side, we were in great doubt, because we
knew not what they did in the island, nor whether they were
our friends or enemies ; and we doubted so much the more,
because we found no Men of war, nor any Caravels of Advices
from Portugal, as we made our accounts to do, than they
might convoy us from thence, or give us advice as they,
ordinarily, in that country, use to do : and because the
Englishmen had been so victorious in those parts, it made
us suspect that it went not well with Spain.
They of the island of Terceira were in no less fear than we
were : for seeing our fleet, they thought us to be English,
and that we came to overrun the island ; because the three
Englishmen had bound up their flags, and came in company
with us. For which cause, the island sent out two Caravels
that lay there with Advices from the King, for the Indian ships
that should come thither. Those caravels came to view us,
and perceiving what we were, made after us ; whereupon
the English ships left us, and made towards them, as the
caravels thought them to be friends and shunned them not,
as supposing them to be of our company : but we shot four
or five times, and made signs unto them, that they should
make towards the island; which they presently did.
The Englishmen perceiving that, did put forwards into the
sea. So the caravels boarded us, telling us, "That the men
of the island were all in arms, having received advice from
Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and
ivould come unto those islands."
They likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the
Spanish fleet [the Armada in 1588] before England; and that
the Englishmen had been before the gates of Lisbon [with
Don Antonio, and under Sir F. Drake and Sir John
NORRIS, in May 15S9] : whereupon the King gave us com-
mandment that we should put into the island of Terceira ;
and there lie under the safety of the Castle until we received
further advices what we should do, or whither we should sail.
For they thought it too dangerous for us to go to Lisbon.
J. H. y. Linschmen.-| ^j^p-^g jHE CaRRACK FLEET ANCHORS. 93
This news put our fleet in great fear, and made us look
upon each other, not knowing what to say. It being
dangerous for the ships to put into the road, because it
lieth open to the sea : so that the Indian ships, although
they had express commandment from the King, yet durst
not anchor there : but used only to lavere [tack] to and fro ;
sending their boats on land to fetch such necessaries as they
wanted, without anchoring.
But being by necessity compelled thereunto, as also by the
King's commandment ; and because we understood the Earl
of Cumberland not to be far from those islands with certain
ships of war [the Earl did not arrive at the Azores, till the
nth August, N .S. see p. 188] : we made necessity a virtue, and
entering the road, anchored close under the Castle, staying
for advices and order from the King to perform our voyage ;
it being then the 24th [N.S., i.e., O.S. i/{th] of July and St.
James's Day.
We were in all six ships, that is, five from the East Indies
and one from Malacca ; and la}^ in the road, before the town
of Angra: from whence we presently sent three or four
caravels to Portugal, with advices unto the King of our
arrival.
There we lay in great danger and much fear ; for when the
month of August cometh, it is very dangerous lying before
that island : for then it beginneth to storm. The ships are
there safe from all winds, saving the south and south-east
winds ; but when they blow, they lie in a thousand dangers :
especially the East India ships, which are very heavily ladened
and so full that they are almost ready to sink ; so that they
can hardly be steered.
The 4th of August, in the night, we had a south wind out
of the sea, wherewith it began so to storm, that all the ships
were in great danger to be cast away, and to run upon the
shore : so that they were in great fear ; and shot off their
pieces to call for help. The officers and most of the sailors
were on land ; and none but pugs [ ? boys] and slaves in the
ships : for it is a common custom with the Portuguese, that
wheresoever they anchor, presently they go all on land, and
let the ship lie with a boy or two in it.
All the bells of the town were hereupon rung, and there
94 Galleon of Malacca sunk at Angra. p- "■ "• ,^'"''='^f^^
was such a noise and cry in every place, that one could not
hear the other speak. Those that were on land, by reason
of the foul weather, could not get aboard ; and they in the
ship could not come to land. Our ship, the Santa Cruz, was
in great danger, thinking verily it should have run on the
sands : but GOD helped them.
The ship that came from Malacca brake her cables ; and
had not men enough aboard the ship, nor any that could tell
how to cast forth another anchor; so that, in the end, they
cut their masts, and drave upon the cliffs, where it stayed
and brake in pieces, and presently sank under the water to
the upper orlop. With that, the wind came north-west,
wherewith the storm ceased ; and the water became calm.
If that had not been, ail the ships had followed the same
course ; for some of them were at the point to cut their
masts and cables to save their lives: but GOD would not
have it so.
In that ship of Malacca, was lost much rich and costly
merchandise ; for these ships are ordinarily as rich as any
ships that come from India, being full of all the rich wares
of China, Moluccas, Japan, and all those countries : so that
it was a great pity to see what costly things (as silks,
damasks, cloths of gold and silver, and such like wares)
fleeted upon the sea, and were torn in pieces.
There were much goods saved, that lay in the upper part
of the ship, and also by duckers [divers], as pepper, nutmegs,
and cloves ; but most of it was lost : and that which was
saved, was, in a manner, spoiled, and little worth ; which
was presently, by the King's Officers in the island, was seized
upon and to the Farmers' uses, shut up in the Alsandega or
Custom House, for the King's custom. Not once regarding
the poor men, nor their long and dangerous voyage that had
continued the space of three years, with so great misery and
trouble endured by them at Malacca, as in another place [/>p.
42-46] I have already showed ; so that they could not obtain
so much favour of the King nor of his Officers, that they
might have some part of the goods that were saved and
brought to land, although they offered to put in sureties for
so much as the custom might amount to, or else to leave as
much goods in the Officer's hands as would satisfy them.
And although they made daily and pitiful complaints that
Linschoten.~|
T^Ts^^ The Carrack Fleet leave the Azores. 95
they had not wherewith to live ; and that they desired, upon
their own adventure, to freight certain ships or caravels at
their own charge, and to put in good sureties to deliver the
goods in the Custom House of Lisbon ; yet could they not
obtain their requests, but were answered, that " The King,
for the assurance of his custom and of all the goods; would
send an armado by sea to fetch the goods " : which "fetch-
ing" continued for the space of two years and a half; and
yet nothing was done, for there came no armado.
In the meantime, the poor sailors consumed all they had;
and desperately cursed themselves, the King, and all his
Officers. Yet, in the end, by the great and unfortunate suit
of the Farmers of the Pepper, every man had license to lade
his goods in what ship he would, after it had lain there for
the space of two years and a half; putting in sureties to
deliver the goods into the Custom House of Lisbon, where
they must pay the half or more of the same goods for custom
to the King : without any respect of their hard fortune and
great misery, during their long and dangerous voyage.
And he that will be despatched in the Custom House there,
must fee the Officers ; otherwise it is most commonly three
or four months before the goods are delivered unto the owners:
and the best things, or any fine device that the Merchants,
for their own uses, bring out of India, if the Officers like
them, they must have them ; yet they will promise to pay for
them, but they set no day when. So the poor Merchants are
forced to give them the rest ; and are well contented that the
Officers are so pleased, and use no more delays.
The 8th of August [N.S.], the Officers of the ships took
counsel together, with the Governor of the island, what they
were best to do ; thinking it not good to follow the King's
advice ; considering their long staying, and fearing some other
hard fortune, if they should stay.
And because a great Galleon, being a Man of war and veiy
strong, lay then before the island, wherein was the Governor
of Brazil ; which through foul weather, had put in there ;
they concluded that this Galleon, being well appointed, should
sail with them to Lisbon. And although they did it, without
the advice and commandment of the King ; yet they had
rather so adventure their lives upon the seas, than again to
96 LiNSCHOTEN STAYS 2j YEARS AT AnGRA, [J' "• ''•,^
Linschotwv.
IS94-
stay the danger of the haven. For that the winter did daily
more and more increase ; so that they were not to look for
any better weather.
And, in that sort, appointing themselves as well as they
could, and taking in all necessary provisions, the same day
[30/A July, O.S.], they all set sail, with no small fear of falling
into some misfortune by the way.
But, because many that were of the ship of Malacca,
stayed at Terceira to save such goods as, by any means,
might be saved ; and by that means to help themselves :
among the which was the Factor of the Pepper, being one of my
acquaintance. At whose request, as also because the pepper
of that ship, and of all the other ships belonged all to one
Farmer, by whom I was appointed Factor; seeing the neces-
sity he had, and that he alone could hardly despatch so great
a matter: I took order for mine own affairs [charge], and,
having despatched it by other ships ; I stayed there to help
him, till we had further advice and orders from the Farmers
of the pepper and other spices and wares. Of the which
goods, we saved a great quantity by means of duckers [divers]
and instruments that we used : having advices from the
Farmers and the King, that it should not be long before they
sent for us, willing us to stay there and to look unto the
goods.
This staying and fetching us away, continued, as I said
before, for the space of two years and a half ; whereby you
may consider the good order and policy of the Admiralty of
Portugal, and with what diligence and care they seek for the
common profit of the land, and the poor Merchants of the
country : whom they ought to favour and help as much as
they possibly may ; but they do clean contrary, as those
which deal in Portugal do well find.
The [yd O. S.] 13th [AT. S.] of August, the ships came
back again to the island of Terceira, because they had a
contrary wind, as also for want of fresh water ; but they
anchored not.
The day before [i.e., 2nd of August, O. S., see pp. 93, 188], the
Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of war, sailed
by the island of Terceira ; and to their good fortune, passed
out of sight : so that they despatched themselves in all haste;
^'r'^isg""] ^^^ ^- Drake just misses these Carracks. 97
and, for the more security, took with them 400 Spaniards of
those that lay in the garrison in the island.
With them, they sailed towards Lisbon, having a good
wind ; so that within an eleven days after, they arrived in
the river of Lisbon, with great gladness and triumph. For
if they had stayed but one day longer before they had entered
the river, they had all been taken by Sir Francis Drake ;
who, with forty ships came before Cascaes, at the same time
that the Indian ships cast anchor in the river of Lisbon ;
being guarded thither by divers galleys.
Now, by the discourse of this long and perilous voyage
\whicli as regards the Santa Cruz, the quickest of the five Carracks,
lasted from 20th January to the z^th August 1589 N.S., 217 days;
against tlie smoother voyage outward, in 1583, of the San Sal-
vador, i7i 166 days, see pp. 19, 20], you may sufificiently perceive
how that only, by the grace and special favour of GOD, the
Indian ships do perform their voyages ; yet with great misery,
pain, labour, loss, and hindrance ; whereby man may likewise
consider the manner of their navigation, ordinances, customs,
and governments of their ships. So that in comparison of
many other voyages, this present voyage may be esteemed a
happ)^ and prosperous one. For oftentimes it chanceth that
but one or two, of the five that yearly sail to India come safe
home ; as of late it hath been seen : some being taken, and
some lost altogether by their own follies and bad order.
The Azores^
I'Hey are called Azores, that is to say, " Spar-hawks,"
or " Hawks," because that, in their first discovery,
they found many Sparhawks in them, whereof they
hold the name : although at this day, there are not
any to be found. They are also called the Flemish Islands, i.e.,
of the Netherlanders : because the first that inhabited the
same were Netherlanders; whereof, till this time, there is a
great number of their offspring remaining, that, in manner
and behaviour, are altogether like Netherlanders.
The principal island of them all, is that of Terceira, called
Insula de Jesus Christ de Terceira. It is between fifteen or
II. G 5
98 The WATCH PILLARS IN Terceira. p-"-
V. Linschoten.
? 1594-
sixteen miles in compass ; and is altogether a great cliff of
land, whereby there is little room in it. For it is, as it were,
walled round about with cliffs ; but where any strand or sand
is, there standeth a fort. It hath no havens, nor entrance of
waters, for the security and safety of the ships ; except that
before thechief town, called Angra: where it hath anopenhaven
which, in form, is like a Half Moon, by the Portuguese called
Angra; whereof the town hath its name. It hath on the
one side, in the manner of an elbow sticking forth, two high
hills, called Bresil, which stretch into the sea ; so that, afar
off, they seem to be divided from the island. These hills are
very high; so that a man, being upon them, in clear weather,
may see at the least ten, twelve, and sometimes fifteen miles
into the sea.
Upon these hills, there stand two small stone pillars,
where there is a sentinel placed, that continually watcheth
to see what ships are at sea ; and so to advertise those of the
island.
For as many ships as he seeth coming out of the West,
that is, from the Spanish Indies [Central America and the
West Indies] or Brazil, Cape de Verde, Guinea, and the Portu-
guese Indies, and all other ways lying south or west ; for
every ship, he setteth a liag upon the pillar in the west.
And when the ships, which he descrieth, are more than five,
then he setteth up a great Ancient [ensign] ; betokening a
great f^eet of ships.
The like he doth upon the other pillar, which standeth in
the East, for such ships as come from Portugal or other
places out of the east or north parts.
These pillars may be easily seen in all places of the town,
by reason of the highness of the hills; so that there is not
one ship or sail that is at sea that maketh towards the island,
but it is presently [atoice] known throughout all the town, and
over all the island. For the watch is not holden only upon
those two hills jutting into the sea, but also upon all corners,
hills, and cliffs throughout the island ; and as soon as they
perceive any ships, the Governer and rulers are presently
advertised thereof, that they may take such order therein, as
need requireth.
Upon the furthest corner in the sea stands a fort, right
against another fort that answereth it ; so that those two
J. H.v.Linschoten.-J LiNSCHOTEN RIDES ABOUT TeRCEIRA. 99
forts do shut and defend the mouth or open haven of the
town ; and no ship can neither s^o in or come forth without
the Hcence of two forts [see Vol. I. p. 271].
This town of Angra is not only the chief town of Terceira,
but also of all towns within the islands thereabouts. Therein
are resident, the Bishop, the Governor for the King, and
the chief place of judgement or tribunal seat of all the islands
of the Azores.
All the islands of the Azores are inhabited by the Portu-
guese; but since the troubles in Portugal [i.e., since 1580,
when Philip II. acceded to the Portuguese throne], there have
been divers Spanish soldiers sent thither, and a Spanish
Governor, that keep all the forts and castles in their pos-
session : although the Portuguese are put to no charges, nor
yet hardly used by them. For the soldiers are rather kept
short, so that no one dareth to go out of the town without a
licence : and therefore men may quietly travel throughout
the island, both day and night, without any trouble.
Likewise, the islanders will not suffer any stranger to
travel to see the country : and this order was not brought up
by the Spaniards, but by the Portuguese themselves before
their troubles. For they would not permit it. And what is
more, all strangers that came thither, were usually appointed
a certain street, wherein they should sell their wares ; and
they might not go out of that street. Now, it is not so straitly
looked unto, but they may go in all places of the town, and
within the island : but not about it, to view the coast.
Which, notwithstanding, was granted to us by the Governor
himself, who lent us his horses to ride about ; and gave us
leave to see all the forts : which, at this time, is not per-
mitted to the natural born islanders ; neither are they so
much credited.
We rode about the island twice, which he granted us leave
to do, by means of a certain particular friendship we had with
him : neither could the Portuguese hinder us therein, be-
cause we were in the King's service, as " Factors for the
King's Pepper," and because they held and accounted us as
natural born Portuguese. For the Governor would willingly
have had me to have drawn a plot [map] of the whole island,
that he might have sent it to the King : wherein I excused
myself; yet I made him one of the town, with the haven.
loo Lord Cumberland's visit to the Azores. [^"J^^'^iJ,^
coming in, and forts of Angra, which he sent to the King:
for which the Governor was greatly affected unto me, and
showed me much friendship. We had, in our lodging, a
French merchant, and a Scot, who willingly would have
gone with us, to see the island ; but could not be suffered :
for the Portuguese think they would take the proportion
thereof, and so seek to defeat [wrest] them of their right.
Such as are not merchants or workmen in the wood of
the islands, wait for the fleets that come and go, to and from
the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, Brazil, Cape de Verde,
and Guinea, which do commonly come to Terceira to refresh
themselves, as situated very fitly for that purpose. So that
all the inhabitants do thereby richly maintain themselves, and
sell all their wares, as well handiworks as victuals, to those
ships : and all the islands roundabout do come to Terceira
with their wares to sell them there. For the which cause,
the Englishmen and other strangers keep continually about
those islands ; being assured that all ships, for want of re-
freshing, must of force, put into those islands : although, at
this time [i.e., 1594], many ships do avoid those islands, to the
great discommodity both of the islands and the ships.
While I remained in Terceira, the Earl of Cumberland
came to Santa Maria (where there are no Spaniards, because
it is a stout country like Terceira, and hard to board [land on] ;
whereby the inhabitants themselves are sufficient and able to
defend it), to take in fresh water and some other victuals
[see p. 199] ; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have
it, and wounded divers of his men : wdiereby they were forced
to depart, without having anything there.
About seven or eight miles north-north-west from Terceira,
lieth the little island called Graciosa, which is but five and
six miles in compass. A very pleasant, fine island, full of
fruits and all other victuals ; so that it not only feedeth itself,
but also Terceira and the other islands about it ; and hath no
other kind of merchandise. It is well built, and inhabited by
Portuguese ; and hath no soldiers in it because it is not able
to bear the charge.
The Earl of Cumberland, while I lay in Terceira, came
unto that island [see pp. 188-9]; vvhere he in person, with seven
or eight in his company, went on land ; asking for certain
beasts, hens, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water;
J. H.v.Linschoten.-j pAYAL GARRISONED WITH SPANIARDS. lOI
which they willingly gave him : and therewith he departed
from thence, without doing them any hurt. For the which
the inhabitants thanked him ; and commended him for his
courtesy, and keeping of his promise.
Fayal aboundeth in all sorts of victuals and fish ; so that
from this island, the most part of the victuals and neces-
saries come, by whole caravels, toTerceira. It hath likewise
much woad, so that many English ships do traffic thither.
The principal road and place, is the town of Villa Dorta.
There the ships do likewise lie on the open sea under the
land, as they do before all the other islands. By this town,
there lieth a fortress, but it is of small importance.
And because the inhabitants, of themselves, did offer to
defend the island against all enemies ; the soldiers, which
before that time lay in the fort, were discharged from thence:
the islanders complaining that they were not able to main-
tain, nor lodge them.
The same time that the Earl of Cumberland was in the
island of Graciosa, he came likewise to Fayal \see pp. 190-4],
where, at the first time, that he came, they began to resist him;
but, by reason of some controversy between them, they let him
land : where he razed the castle to the ground, and sank all
their ordnance in the sea; taking with him, certain caravels
and ships that lay in the road, with provisions of all things
that he wanted, and therewith departed again to sea.
Whereupon, the King caused the principal actors therein
to be punished ; and sent out a company of [Spanish]
soldiers ; which went out of Terceira, with all kind of warlike
munition and great shot : who made up the fortress again,
the better to defend the island, trusting no more to the
Portuguese.
In that island, are the most part of the Netherlanders'
offspring; yet they use the Portuguese language, by reason
they have been so long conversant among them ; and those
that used the Dutch tongue are all dead. They are great
affected [very kind] to the Netherlanders and strangers.
Between Corvo and Flores [70 miles west of Terceira], and
round about them, the Englishmen do commonly stay, to
watch the ships that come out of the West : for those are
the first islands that the ships look out for and descry, when
they sail into Terceira.
I02 The Spanish W. I. Fleet at Angra. [J-^-^j
H. V. Linschoten.
IS94-
0/ certain notable and fnemorable incidents
that happened during Linschoten's con-
tinuance in Terceira^ from October
1589, to July 1592.
1589.
He 2nd of October, anno 1589 [N.S.'], at the town of
Villa da Praya in the island of Terceira, two men
being in a field hard without the town, were killed
with lightning.
The Qth of the same month, there arrived in Terceira [0.5.,
see p. 197] fourteen ships that came from the Spanish Indies,
laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other
rich wares. There were fifty in company when they de-
parted out of Havanna : whereof, in their coming out of the
Channel, eleven sank in the Channel by foul weather ; and
the rest, by a storm, were scattered and separated one from
the other.
The next day [10th], there came another ship of the same
company, that sailed close under the island so to get into the
road : where she met with an English ship that had not
above three cast pieces ; and the Spaniard had twelve. They
fought a long time together; which we, being in the island,
might stand and behold. Whereupon the Governor of
Terceira sent two boats of musketeers to help the ship : but
before they could come to her, the English ship had shot her
under water ; and we saw her sink into the sea, with all her
sails up, so that not anything was seen of her above the
water.
The Englishmen, with their boat, saved the Captain and
about thirty others with him ; but not one pennyworth of
the goods : and yet in the ship, there was, at the least, to
the value of 200,000 ducats [■=about ;^55,ooo then = about
^330,000 now] in gold, silver, and pearls. The rest of the
men were drowned, which might be about fifty persons ;
J.H.v.Linschoten.-j -^^^ MILLIONS OF GoLD AND SiLVER. IO3
among the which were some friars and women, which the
EngHsh would not save. Those that they did save, they set
on land ; and then they sailed away.
The [lyth O.S.] 27th [N.S.] of the same month, the said
fourteen ships, having refreshed themselves in the island,
departed from Terceira towards Seville ; and coming upon
the coast of Spain, they were taken by the English ships
that lay there to watch for them, two only excepted, which
escaped away. The rest were wholly carried into England.
About the same time, the Earl of Cumberland, with one
of the Queen's ships, and five or six more, kept about those
islands : and oftentimes came so close under the island and
to the road of Angra, that the people on land might easily tell
all his men that he had aboard, and knew such as walked on
the hatches ; they of the island not once shooting at them,
although they might easily have done it, for they were within
musket shot both of the town and fort.
In these places, he continued for the space of two months
[or rather, jrom nth August to loih November N.S.], sailed
round about the islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal,
as in the descriptions of those islands [/>p. 100- 1] I have
already declared. Here he took divers ships and caravels,
which he sent into England : so that those of the island
durst not once put forth their heads.
At the same time, about three or four days after the Earl
of Cumberland had been in the island of Fayal, and was
departed thence [w/itck was on the i6th OS., or 26th, N.S.,
September, 1589 //. 193-4], there arrived there six [West]
Indian ships, whose General wasone JUAN DORlVES,and there
they discharged on that island 40,000,000 [ducats = about
;^ 1 0,000,000 {ten millions sterling) then =^ about ;^6o,ooo,ooo
{sixty millions sterling) now\ of gold and silver.
Having, with all speed, refreshed their ships; fearing the
coming of the Englishmen, they set sail, and arrived safely
in San Lucar de Barramcda, not meeting with the enemy ; to
the great good luck of the Spaniards, and hard fortune of
the Englishmen. For that, within less than two days after
the gold and silver were laden again into the Spanish ships,
the Earl of CUMBERLAND sailed again by that island \viz.,on
2yd September, O.S., or ^rd October, N.S., 1589,//. 194-7].
So that it appeared that GOD would not let them have it: for
I04 A Million and a half sterling, more.[J- "•
V. Linschoten.
? 1594.
if they had once had sight thereof, without doubt it had been
theirs ; as the Spaniards themselves confessed.
In the month of November, there arrived in Terceira, two
ships, which were the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet,
ladened with silver ; who, with stormy weather, were sepa-
rated from the fleet, and had been in great torment and
distress, and ready to sink. For they were forced to use all
their pumps, so that they wished, a thousand times, to have
met with the Englishmen : to whom they would willingly
have given their silver and all that ever they brought with
them ; only to save their lives. Although the Earl of Cum-
berland lay still about those islands : yet they met not with
him : so that, after much pain and labour, they got into the
road before Angra : where, with all speed, they unladed and
discharged above 5,000,000 of silver [i.e., to the value of
5,000,000 (five millions) of ducats = about ■£'1,500,000 {a
million and a half sterling) then = about ^^9, 000, 000 (nine
millions sterling) now] ; all in pieces of 8 lbs. to 10 lbs. weight.
So that the whole quay lay covered with plates, and chests of
silver full of Rials of Eight, most wonderful to behold. Each
million being ten hundred thousand ducats ; besides gold,
pearls, and other precious stones, which were not registered.
The Admiral and Chief Commander of those ships and
that fleet, called Alvaro Flores de Quiniones, was sick of a
disease (whereof, not long, after he died in Seville) was brought
to land.
He brought with him the King's broad seal, and full
authority to be General and Chief Commander upon the
seas, and of all fleets and ships, and of all places, islands, or
land wheresoever he came to. Whereupon, the Governor of
Terceira did him great honour.
Between them, it was concluded that, perceiving the weak-
ness of their ships, and the danger through the Englishmen,
they would send the ships empty, with soldiers to convey
them, either to Seville or Lisbon, whichever they could first
arrive at, with advice to His Majesty of all that had passed;
and that he would give order to fetch the silver with a good
and safe convoy. Whereupon, the said Alvaro Flores
stayed there, under colour of keeping the silver; but specially
because of his disease, and that they were afraid of the
Englishmen. This Alvaro Flores had alone, for his own
J.H.v.Linschcten.-| DURING ESCAPE OF ENGLISH SAILORS. IO5
part, above 50,000 ducats [= about ^13,000 then = about
jTioOjOOO now] in pearls : which he shewed unto us, and
sought to sell them ; or barter them with us, for spices or
bills of exchange.
The said two ships set sail, with 300 or 400 men, as well
soldiers as others, that came with them out of [the WestJ
India: and being at sea, had a storm, wherewith the admiral
burst asunder, and sank in the sea ; not one man saved.
The vice-admiral cut down her mast, and ran the ship on
ground hard by Setubal, where it burst in pieces : and some
of the men, saving themselves by swimming, brought the
news ; the rest were drowned.
In the same month [November 1589], there came two
great ships out of the Spanish Indies, that, within half a mile
of the road of Terceira, met with an English ship ; which,
after they had fought long together, took them both.
[The following history of the English ship and her crew is very extraordinary. ]
About seven or eight months before [i.e., about April 1589I,
there had been an English ship in Terceira, that, under the
name of a Frenchman, came to traffic in the island, there to
lade wood : and being discovered, both ship [p. 190] and goods
were confiscated to the King's use ; and all the men kept
prisoners. Yet went they up and down the streets to get their
living, by labouring like slaves ; being indeed as safe in that
island, as if they had been in prison.
But, in the end, upon a Sunday [315^ of August, 0.5. , see
p. 190; \Q)th September, N.S.], all the sailors went down
behind the hills, called Bresil, where they found a fisher-
boat ; whereinto they got, and rowed into [out to] the
sea, to the Earl of Cumberland's ship, which, to their
great fortune, chanced, at that time, to come by the
island [see p. 190] ; and who had anchored, with his ships,
about half a mile from the road of Angra, hard by two small
islands, which lie about a base's shot from the island, and
are full of goats, bucks, and sheep, belonging to the inhabi-
tants of Terceira. Those sailors knew it well, and thereupon
they rowed unto them with their boats ; and lying at anchor,
that day, they fetched as many goats and sheep as they had
need of: which those of the town and island saw well, yet
durst not once go forth.
So there remained no more on land, but the Master, and
io6 The two English brothers-in-law. [J-"''-^'
Linschotea
1594-
the Merchant [Supercargo] of the said English ship. This
Master had a brother-in-law dwelling in England ; who, hav-
ing news of his brother's imprisonment in Terceira, got licence
of the Queen of England to set forth a ship : therewith to see
if he could recover his losses of the Spaniards, by taking some
of them; and so to redeem his brother, that lay prisoner in
Terceira. And he it was, that took the [above] two Spanish
ships before the town [in November 1589] ; the Master of the
aforesaid ship, standing on the shore by me, and looking upon
"■hem ; for he was my great acquaintance.
The ships being taken, that were worth 300,000 ducats
[=-£"80,000 ^/j^«:=;^48o,ooo now] ; he sent all the men on land,
saving only two of the principal gentlemen whom he kept
aboard, thereby to ransom his brother : and sent the [Spanish]
Pilot of one of the [two West] Indian ships that were taken,
with a letter to the Governor of Terceira, wherein he wrote
that " He should deliver him his brother, and he would send
the two gentlemen on land. If not, he would sail with them
into England." As indeed he did : because the Governor
would not do it ; saying that " The gentlemen might make
that suit to the King of Spain himself."
This Spanish Pilot, and the English Master likewise, we
bade to supper with us : where the Pilot shewed us all the
manner of their fight ; much commending the order and
manner of the Englishmen's fighting, as also for their
courteous using of him.
But, in the end, the English Master likewise stole away in
a French ship, without paying any ransom as yet [i.e., up to
July 1592].
1590.
In the month of January 1590, there arrived one ship
alone [by itself] in Terceira, that came from the Spanish
Indies ; and brought the news that there was a fleet of a hun-
dred ships, which put out from the Firm Land [the Spanish
Main, or Central America] oi iht Spanish Indies: and by a
storm, were driven upon the coast, called Florida ; where they
were all cast away, she having only escaped. Wherein there
were great riches, and many men lost ; as may well be thought.
So that they made their account, that of 220 ships that,
for certain, were known to have put out of New Spain [Mexico]
Linschoten.-j Pqul ATROCITY OF A Spanish Officer. 107
Santo Domingo, Havana, Cape de Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c.,
in the year 1589, to sail for Spain and Portugal : there were
not above 14 or 15 of them, that arrived there in safety. All
the rest, were either drowned, burst [foundered], or taken.
In the same month of January, there arrived in Terceira,
15 or 16 ships that came from Seville ; which were mostly
Fly-boats of the Low Countries, and some Breton ships,
that were arrested in Spain. These came full of soldiers and
well appointed with munition, by the King's commandment,
to lade the silver that lay in Terceira ; and to fetch Alvaro
DE Flores to Spain.
And because, at that time of the year, there are always
storms about those islands, therefore they durst not enter into
the road of Terceira. For as then it blew so great a storm,
that some of their ships that had anchored, were forced
to cut down their masts, and were in danger of being lost :
and among the rest, a ship of Biscay ran against the land, and
was stricken in pieces ; but all the men saved themselves.
The other ships were forced to keep the sea, and separated
themselves the one from the other, where wind and weather
would drive them, until the 15th of March [1590]. For that,
in all that time, they could not have one day of fair weather
to anchor in : whereby they endured much misery ; cursing
both the silver and the island.
This storm being passed ; they chanced to meet with a
small English ship, of about 40 tons in bigness, which, by
reason of the great wind, could not bear all her sails; so they
set upon her and took her: and with the English flag in their
admiral's [flag ship's] stern, they came as proudly into the
haven, as if they had conquered all the realm of England.
But as the admiral, that bare the English flag upon her stern,
was entering into the road ; there came, by chance, two English
ships by the island that paid her so well for her pains, that
they were forced to cry Misericordia ! and without all doubt,
had taken her, if she had been a mile further in the [put at]
sea. But because she got under the fortress, which also
began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leave
her, and to put further into the sea ; having slain five or six
of the Spaniards.
The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship, were
put under hatches, and coupled in bolts. After they had
io8 Spanish Court's dishonourable conduct.[
Linschoten.
1594.
been prisoners three or four days [i.e., about 18th of March
1590 N.S.], there was a Spanish Ensign-bearer in the ship,
that had a brother slain in the fleet that came for England [the
Armada of 1588], who (then minding to revenge his death,
and withal to shew his manhood to the English captives that
were in the English ship, which they had taken as is afore-
said) took a poinard in his hand, and went down under the
hatches ; where, finding the poor Englishmen sitting in bolts ;
with the same poinard he stabbed six of them to the heart :
which two others of them perceiving, clasped each other
about the middle because they would not be murdered by him,
and threw themselves into the sea, and there were drowned.
This act was much disliked and very ill taken of all the
Spaniards; so they carried the Spaniard a prisoner unto
Lisbon : where, being arrived, the King of Spain willed that
he should be sent to England, that the Queen of England
might use him as she thought good ; which sentence, his
friends got reversed. Notwithstanding he commanded that
he should, without all favour, be beheaded : but upon a
Good Friday [? in 1590 oy 159 1], the Cardinal going to Mass;
all the Captains and Commanders made so great entreaty
for him, that, in the end, they got his pardon.
This I thought good to note, that men may understand the
bloody and dishonest minds of the Spaniards, when they have
men under their subjection.
The same two English ships which followed the Spanish
Admiral till he had got under the fort of Terceira, as I said
before, put into the [out to] sea ; where they met with
another Spanish ship, being of the same fleet, that had like-
wise been scattered by the storm, and was [the] only [one]
missing, for the rest lay in the road.
This small ship the Englishmen took, and sent all the men
on shore, not hurting any of them; but if they had known
what had been done unto the aforesaid English captives, I
believe they would soon have revenged themselves: as, after-
wards, many innocent soul paid for it.
This ship, thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same
that was kept and confiscated in the island of Terceira ; the
Englishmen of which got out of the island in a fisher-boat,
as I said before [/. 105] ; and was sold to the Spaniards that
then came from the [West] Indies [p. 103]; wherewith they
J. H. v.Linschoten.-| ENGLISH BECOME LoRDS OF THE SeA. [O9
sailed to San Lucar de Barrameda : where it was also
arrested by the Duke, and appointed to go in the company
to fetch the silver in Terceira, because it was the ship
that sailed well; but among the Spaniards' fleet, it was
the meanest of the company. By this means, it was taken
from the Spaniards and carried into England ; and the owners
had it again, when they least thought of it.
The 19th of March, the aforesaid ships, being nineteen in
number, having laden the King's silver, and received Alvaro
Flores de Quiniones with his company, and a good pro-
vision of necessaries and munition ; and of soldiers that were
fully resolved, as they made shew, to fight valiantly to the
last man, before they would yield or lose their riches.
Although they set their course for San Lucar, the wind
drave them to Lisbon. Which, as it seemed, was willing by
his force to help them, and to bring them thither in safety :
although Alvaro de Flores, both against the wind and
weather, would, perforce, have sailed to San Lucar ; but being
constrained by the wind, and the importunity of the sailors
(who protested they would require their losses and damages of
him), he was content to sail to Lisbon. From whence, the
silver was carried by land to Seville.
At Cape St. Vincent, there lay a fleet of twenty English
ships, to watch for this armada ; so that if they had put into
San Lucar, they had fallen right into their hands : which if
the wind had served, they had done. And, therefore, they
may say that the wind had lent them a happy voyage.
For if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely
been in great danger; and possibly but few of them had
escaped, by reason of the fear wherewith they were
possessed that "Fortune, or rather, GOD was wholly against
them." Which is a sufficient cause, to make the Spaniards
out of heart ; and, on the contrary, to give the Englishmen
more courage, and to make them bolder. For they are
victorious, stout, and valiant ; and all their enterprises do
take so good effect, that they are, thereby, become Lords and
Masters of the Sea, and need care for no man : as it well
appeareth, by this brief Discourse.
In the month of March 1590, there was a blazing star [a
Comet] with a tail, seen in Terceira, that continued four
nights together, stretching the tail towards the south.
no A PRODIGIOUS, BUT BASELESS RUMOUR. [J- ^- ^^^
ti. V. L,mscnoien.
1594-
In the month of May, a caravel of Fayal arrived in the
haven or road of Angra, at Terceira, ladened with oxen,
sheep, hens, and other kinds of victuals ; and full of people.
She had, by a storm, broken her rudder ; whereby the sea
cast her about, and there she sank. In her, were drowned
three children and a Franciscan friar. The rest of the men
saved themselves by swimming, and by help from the shore ;
but the cattle and hens came drowned to land.
The friar was buried with a great procession and solemnity;
being esteemed a saint, because he was taken up dead with
his book between his arms : for the which cause, every man
came to look on him as a miracle, giving great offerings, to
say masses for his soul.
[What now follows is an enormous falsehood, being apparently only an
exaggerated rumour of Cavendish's Expedition to the South Seas,
2 1 St July, 1586 — 10 September 1588,
The ist of August [1590] the Governor of Terceira received
advices out of Portugal and Spain, that two years before the
date of his letters [i.e., in 1588], there sailed out of England
twelve great well-appointed ships ; with full resolution to
take their journey, seven of them to the Portuguese Indies,
and the other five to Malacca. Of which, five were cast away
in the Straits of Magellan, and three sailed to Malacca : but
what they had done there, was as then not known.
[Linschoten's friend Afhuisen, who loft Malacca, at a much later
date, vis., about December 1588,^. 118, was then at Angra ; and would, of
course, be able to contradict this part of this immense offspring of fear.]
The other seven passed the Cape of Good Hope, and
arrived in India, whither they put in at the coast of Malabar,
and there took six foists of the Malabars, but let them go
again ; and [? where], two Turkish galleys that came out of
the Straits of Mecca or Red Sea, to whom likewise they did
no hurt. And there [? where], they laded their ships with
spices, and returned back again on their way : but where, or
in what place they had ladened, it was not certainly known[!].
Saving only, that this much was written by the Governor of
India ; and sent over land to Venice, and from thence to
Madrid.
J. H. V. Linschoten.J gjj^ y^ FrOBISHEr's FLEET OFF CoRVO. I 1 1
The 7th of August, a navy of English ships was seen
before Terceira, being twenty in number, and five of them
Queen's ships. Their General was one Sir Martin Fro-
BiSHER ; as we, after, had intelligence. They came purposely
to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies, for the [Portu-
guese] Indian ships, and for the ships of the countries in the
West.
Which put the islanders in great fear, specially those of
Fayal, For the Englishmen had sent a Trumpeter to the
Governer there, to ask for certain wine, flesh, and other
victuals, for their money and good friendship. They of Fayal,
did not only refuse to give ear to them ; but with a shot,
killed their messenger or trumpeter: which the English took
in evil part, sending them word that "They were best to look
to themselves, and stand upon their guard ; for they meant
to come and visit them, whether they would or not." The
Governor there made them answer, that " He was there on
the behalf of His Majesty of Spain ; and that he would do
his best to keep them out." But nothing was done: although
they of Fayal were in no little fear; sending to Terceira for
aid : from whence, they had certain barks with powder and
munition for war, together with some biscuit and other
necessary provision.
The 30th of August, we received very certain news out of
Portugal, that there were eighty ships put out of the Corunna
[called by the English,ihe Groine], laden with victuals, munition,
money, and soldiers, to go for Brittany; to aid the Catholics
and Leaguers of France against the King of Navarre.
At the same time, two Netherland Hulks coming out of
Portugal to Terceira, being half over the seas, met with four
of the Queen's ships, their General being Sir John Hawkins,
that stayed them ; but let them go again, without doing
them any harm.
The Netherlanders reported that "Each of the Queen's ships
had eighty pieces of ordnance ; that Sir FRANCIS Drake
lay with forty ships in the English Chaimel watching for the
armada from the Corunna ; and that likewise, there lay at
Cape St. Vincent ten other English ship, that if any of the
ships escaped from the Islands [i.e., the Azores] they might
take them."
This tidings put the islanders in great fear; lest if they
1 12 The Carrack homeward Fleet of 1590. [^'"?'**x;g";
failed of the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they
would then fall upon the Islands, as they would not return
empty : whereupon they held straight watch, sending advices
to the King, of the news they had heard.
The ist of September,there came to the island of St. Michael,
a Portuguese ship out of the haven of Pernambuco in Brazil,
which brought news that the Admiral of the Portuguese fleet
that came from India, having missed the island of St. Helena,
was, of necessity, constrained to put into Pernambuco :
although the King had expressly, under a great penalty, for-
bidden him so to do ; because of the worms, that do there
spoil the ships.
The same ship, wherein Bernadine Ribero was Admiral,
the year before [1589], sailed out of Lisbon to the Indies,
with five ships in her company ; whereof but four got to
India ; the fifth was never heard of, so that it was thought
to be cast away. The other four returned safe again to
Portugal [thisyear 1590]: though theadmiral was much spoiled,
because he met with two English ships that fought long with
him, and slew many of his men ; but yet he escaped from
them.
The 5th of the same month, there arrived at Terceira, a
caravel of the island of Corvo, and brought with her 50 men
that had been spoiled by the Englishmen, who had set them
on shore in the island of Corvo ; having taken them out of a
ship that came from the Spanish Indies.
They brought tidings that " The Englishmen had taken four
more of the [West] Indian ships, and a Caravel of Advices
with the King of Spain's Letters of Advices for the ships
[Carracks] coming out of the Portugal Indies. And that, with
those which they had taken, there were at the least forty
English ships together ; so that not one bark escaped them,
but fell into their hands."
Therefore the Portuguese ships coming out of India durst
not put into the Islands ; but took their course under 40° N.,
and 42° N., and from thence sailed to Lisbon ; shunning like-
wise the Cape St. Vincent : otherwise they could not have
had a prosperous journey of it; for that then, the sea was
full of English ships.
Whereupon, the King advised the fleet lying at Havanna
in the Spanish Indies, ready to come for Spain, that they
^''°5g":] The Carrack outward Fleet of 1590. 113
should stay there all that year, till the next year; because of
the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen.
Which was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, for
the ships that lie there, do consume themselves, and in a
manner eat up one another ; by reason of the great number
of people, together with the scarcity of all things. So that
many ships chose rather, one by one, to adventure themselves
alone, to get home than to stay there. All which fell into
the Englishmen's hands; the men of divers of which, were
brought to Terceira. For, for a whole day, we could see
nothing else but spoiled men set on shore, some out of one
ship, some out of another, that it was a pity to see all of
them cursing the English and their own fortunes ; with those
that had been the causes to provoke the Englishmen to fight:
and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein
by the King of Spain's Officers.
The 19th of the same month, there came a caravel of Lisbon
to Terceira, with one of the King's Officers, to cause the goods
that were saved out of the ship that came from Malacca (for
the which, we stayed there) to be ladened and sent to Lisbon.
At the same time, there put out of the Corunna, one Don
Alonso de Bassan, with 40 great Ships of war, to come to
the islands [of the Azores], there to watch for the fleets of the
Spanish and Portuguese Indies : and the goods of the
Malacca ship being ladened, they were to convoy them all
together to the river of Lisbon. But being certain days at
sea, always with a contrary wind, they could not get unto the
Islands. Only two of them, scattered from the fleet, arrived
at Terceira ; and, not finding the fleet, they presently returned
back to seek them.
In the meantime, the King changed his mind, and caused
the fleet to stay in [West] India, as I said before ; and there-
fore he sent word unto Don Alonso de Bassan that he should
return again to Corunna, which he presently did : without
doing anything, or once approaching near the islands, saving
only the two foresaid ships. For he well knew that the
Englishmen lay by the island of Corvo ; but he would not
visit them. So he returned to the haven of Corunna ;
whereby our goods that come from Malacca were yet to ship ;
and being trussed up again, we were forced to stay a more
fortunate time, with patience.
n- H 5
1 14 Pride & vanity of M. Albuquerque. [J- "■ ''j
V. Linschoten.
IS94-
The 23rd of October, there arrived at Terceira, a caravel
with advices out of Portugal, that of the five ships which
[about April] in the year 1590, were laden in Lisbon, for the
the [East] Indies, four of them were turned back again to
Portugal, after they had been four months abroad: and that
the admiral, wherein the Viceroy, called Matthias d' Albu-
querque, sailed, had only got to India : as afterward news
thereof was brought overland; having been, at the least, eleven
months at sea and never saw land, and came in great misery
to Malacca.
In this ship there died by the way, 280 men, according to
a note, made by himself and sent to the Cardinal of Lisbon,
with the name and surname of every man ; together with a
description of his voyage and the misery they had endured :
which was only done because he would not lose the Govern-
ment of India ; and for that cause, he had sworn either to
lose his life, or to arrive in India. As, indeed, he did after-
wards : but to the great danger, loss, and hinderance of his
company, that were forced to buy it with their lives ; and
only for want of provisions, as it may well be thought. For he
knew full well, that if he had returned back again to Portugal,
as the other ships did, he should have been cashiered from
his Indian Regiment ; because the people began already to
murmur at him for his proud and lofty mind.
And among other things, that which shewed his pride
the more, he caused to be painted above the gallery of his
ship, Fortune, and his own picture with a staff standing by
her, as it were, threatening her, with this posy, Queroque vencas!
that is, " I will have thee to overcome ! " which being read
by the Cardinal and other gentlemen, that, to honour him,
brought him aboard his ship ; it was thought to be a point of
exceeding folly.
But it is no strange matter among the Portuguese: forthey,
above all others, must, of force, let the fool peep out of their
sleeves ; specially when they are in authority. For I knew
the said Matthias d'Albuquerque in India, being a soldier
and a Captain; where he was esteemed and accounted for one of
the best of them: and much honoured and beloved of all men,
as behaving himself courteously to every man ; whereby they
all desired that he might be Viceroy. But when he had once
received his Patent, with full power and authority from the
/. H. V. Linschoten. J Qre^T EARTHQUAKE AT THE AzORES. 115
King to be Viceroy ; he changed so much from his former
behaviour, that by reason of his pride, they all began to fear
and curse him ; and that, before he departed out of Lisbon :
as is often seen in many men, that are advanced into State and
dignity.
1591.
The 20th of January, anno 1591, there was news brought
out of Portugal to Terceira, that the Englishmen had taken a
ship that the King had sent to the Portuguese Indies, with
advices to the Viceroy, of the returning again of the four ships
that should have gone to India. And because those ships
were come back again, that ship was stuffed and ladened, as
full of goods as it possibly might be ; having likewise, in ready
money, 500,000 ducats [=nbout ^^137, 500 then=£82^,ooo now]
in Rials of Eight ; besides other wares.
It departed from Lisbon in the month of November 1590,
and met with the Englishmen ; with whom, for a time, it
fought : but, in the end, it was taken and carried into England,
with men and all. Yet when they came there, the men were
set at liberty ; and returned to Lisbon, where the Captain was
committed a prisoner; but he excused himself, and was
released. With whom, I spake myself; and he made this
report to me.
At the same time also, they took a ship that came from
the Mine [possibly So/a/a, see p. 17]: and two ships, ladened
with pepper and spices, that were to sail into Italy ; the
pepper alone that was in them being worth 170,000 ducats
[= about £46,750 then = ^^280, 000 now]. All these ships were
carried into England, and made good prize.
In the month of July, anno 1591, there happened an earth-
quake in the island of St. Michael ; which continued [i.e.,
at intervals] from the 26th of July to the 12th of August. In
which time, no man durst stay within his house : but fled
into the fields, fasting and praying ; with great sorrow, be-
cause many of their houses fell down. A town, called Villa
Franca, was almost clean razed to the ground ; all the
cloisters and houses shaken to the earth, and some people
therein slain. In some places, the land rose up, and the
cliffs removed from one place to another ; and some hills
were defaced, and made even with the ground. The earth-
1 16 The Last Fight of H. AI.S. Revenge, p- "• ^•/''"'*^;'';:
quake was so strong, that the ships which lay in the road
and on the sea, shaked as if the world would have turned
round. There also sprang a fountain out of the earth ; from
whence, for the space of four days, there flowed a most clear
water ; and, after that, it ceased. At the same time, they
heard such thunder and noise under the earth, as if all the
devils in hell had been assembled in that place ; wherewith
many died for fear.
The island of Terceira shook four times together, so that
it seemed to turn about : but there happened no misfortune
unto it.
Earthquakes are common in these islands. For, about
twenty years past, there happened another earthquake :
wherein the half of a high hill, that lieth by the same town
of Villa Franca, fell down, and covered all the town with
earth ; and killed many men.
The 25th of August, the King's Armada, coming out of
Ferrol, arrived at Terceira, being in all thirty ships, Biscayens,
Portuguese, and Spaniards; and ten Dutch Fly-boats that
were arrested in Lisbon to serve the King : besides other
small vessels, pataxos that came to serve as messengers from
place to place, and to discover [scout on] the seas.
The Navy came to stay for, and convoy the ships that
should come from the Spanish Indies ; and the Fly-boats
were appointed, in their turn, to take in the goods that were
saved in the lost ship that came from Malacca, and to
convey it to Lisbon.
The 13th of September, the said Aruiada arrived at the
island of Corvo, where the Englishmen, with about sixteen
ships, then lay, staying for the Spanish [West Indian] fleet ;
whereof some, or the most part were come, and there the
English were in good hopes to have taken them.
But when they perceived the King's Army to be strong :
the Admiral, being the Lord Thomas Howard, commanded
his fleet not to fall upon them ; nor any of them once to sepa-
rate their ships from him, unless he gave commission so to
do.
Notwithstanding, the Vice-Admiral, Sir Richard Gren-
viLLE, being in the ship called the Revenge [of j 00 tons], went
into the Spanish fleet and shot among them, doing them great
hurt ; and thinking the rest of the company would have
J. H. V. Linschoten.j DyiNG SPEECH OF SiR R. GrENVILLE. II7
followed : which they did not, but left him there and sailed
away. The cause why, could not be known. Which the
Spaniards perceiving, with seven or eight ships they boarded
her : but she withstood them all, fighting with them, at the
least, twelve hours together : and sank two of them, one
being a new Double Fly-boat, of 1,200 tons; the other, a
Biscayen. But, in the end, by reason of the number that
came upon her, she was taken ; but their great loss : for
they had lost in fighting and by drowning, above four
hundred men. Of the Englishmen, there were slain about a
hundred ; Sir Richard Grenville himself being wounded
in the brain, whereof he died.
He was borne into the ship called the San Paulo, wherein
was the Admiral of the fleet, Don Alonso de Bassan.
There, his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons; but
Don Alonso himself would neither see him, nor speak with
him. All the rest of the Captains and gentlemen went to
visit him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune ; wondering
at his courage and stout heart, for he showed not any sign of
faintness, nor changing of colour : but feeling the hour of
death to approach, he spake these words in Spanish, and
said, Here die /, Richard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet
mind, for I have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, that
hath fought for his country, Queen, religion, and honour : where-
by my soul most joyfully departeth out of this body ; and shall
leave behind it, an everlasting fame 0/ a valiant and true soldier,
that hath done his duty, as he was bound to do. \see p. 126].
When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up
the ghost, with great and stout courage ; and no man could
perceive any true sign of heaviness in him.
This Sir Richard Grenville was a great and rich gentle-
man in England, and had great yearly revenues, of his own
inheritance : but he was a man very unquiet in his mind, and
greatly affected to war, inasmuch, as of his own private
motion, he offered his services to the Queen. He had per-
formed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these
islands {seep. 122], and known of every man: but of nature
very severe, so that his own people hated him for his fierce-
ness, and spake very hardly of him.
For when they first entered into the Fleet or Armada^ they
ii8 Officers OF H.M.S. Revejvge wisn l^'^^j
rLinschoten.
1594-
had their great sail in a readiness, and might, possibly
enough, have sailed away ; for it was one of the best ships for
sailing in England. The Master perceiving that the other
ships had left them, and followed not after ; commanded the
great sail to be cut, that they might make away : but Sir
Richard Grenville threatened both him and all the rest
that were in the ship, that if any man laid hand upon it, he
would cause him to be hanged. So by that occasion, they
were compelled to fight ; and, in the end, were taken.
He was of so hard a complexion that, as he continued
among the Spanish Captains, while they were at dinner or
supper with him, he was carouse three or four glasses of
wine; and, in a bravery, take [successively] the glasses between
his teeth, and crush them in pieces, and swallow them down,
so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth, without
any harm at all to him : and this was told me, by divers
credible persons that, many times, stood and beheld him.
The Englishmen that were left in the ship, as the Captain
of the Soldiers, the Master, and others, were dispersed into
divers of the Spanish ships that had taken them : where
there had almost arisen a new fight between the Biscayens
and the Portuguese : which each of them would have the
honour to have first boarded her. So there grew a great
noise and quarrel among them, one taking the chief ancient
[msio-«], and the other the flag : and the Captain and every
one held his own.
The ships that had boarded her, were altogether out of
order and broken ; and many of their men hurt : whereby
they were compelled to come to the island of Terceira, there
to repair themselves. Where, being arrived, I and my
chamber-fellow [i.e., Afhuisen], to hear some news, went on
board one of the ships, being a great Biscayen, and one of
the twelve Apostles, whose Captain was called Bartandono,
that had been General of the Biscayens in the Fleet that
went for England [i.e., the Spanish Armada of 1588]. He,
seeing us, called us up into the gallery ; where with great
courtesy, he received us : being then set at dinner with the
English Captain [i.e., of the Soldiers of the Revenge], that sate
by him, and had on a suit of black velvet ; but he could not tell
us anything, for he could speak no other language but English,
and Latin, which Bartandono could also speak a little.
Linschoten.-| LlNSCHOTEN IN HIS LODGINGS AT AnGRA. II9
The English Captain got licence of the Governor, that he
might come on land, with his weapon by his side ; and was in
our lodging, with the Englishman [i.e., the Merchajit or Super-
cargo^ mentioned on p. 106] that was kept prisoner in the island
(bemg of that ship whereof the sailors got away, as I said
before). The Governor of Terceira bade him to dinner ; and
shewed him great courtesy.
The Master likewise, with licence of Bartandono, came
on shore, and was in our lodging. He had, at the least, ten
or twelve wounds, as well in his head as on his body : where-
of, after, being at sea between the Islands and Lisbon, he
died.
The Captain wrote a letter, wherein he declared all the
manner of the fight ; and left it with the English Merchant
{or Supercargo] that lay in our lodging, to send it to the Lord
Admiral of England.
This English Captain coming to Lisbon, was there well
received, and not any hurt done unto him: but, with good con-
voy, sent to Setubal : and, from thence, with all the rest of the
Englishmen that were taken prisoners, sailed into England.
The Spanish Armada stayed at the island of Corvo till the
last of September, to assemble the rest of the fleet together;
which, in the end, were to the number of 140 sail of ships,
partly coming from [the West] India, and partly of the
Armada, And being all together, ready to sail to Terceira,
in good company ; there suddenly rose so hard and cruel a
storm that those of the island do affirm that, in man's
memory, there was not any such seen or heard of before : for
it seemed [as if] the sea would have swallowed up the Islands.
The water mounted higher than the cliffs, which are so high
that it amazeth a man to behold them ; but the sea reached
above them, and living fishes were thrown upon the land.
This storm continued not a day or two only, with one
wind ; but seven or eight days continually, the wind turning
round about in all places of the compass, at the least, twice
or thrice during that time : and all alike with a continual
storm and tempest; most terrible to behold, even to us that
were on shore, much more then to such as were at sea. So
that on the coasts and cliffs of the island of Terceira alone,
there were about twelve ships cast away; and that, not upon
one side only, but round about it in every corner; whereby,
I20 Wreck of the White Dove, in 1592. [
T- H. V. Linschoten.
? 1594-
nothing else was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting,
and telling, " Here is a ship broken in pieces against the
cliffs!" and "There, another! and the men drowned." So
that, for the space of twenty days after the storm, they did
nothing else but fish for dead men, that continually came
driving on the shore.
Among the rest, was the English ship called the Revenge,
that was cast away upon a cliff, near to the island of Terceira;
where it break into a hundred pieces, and sank to the ground :
having in her, seventy men, Gallicians, Biscayens, and others,
with some of the captive Englishmen ; whereof but one was
saved, that got up upon the cliffs alive, and had his body and
head all wounded. He, being on shore, brought us the news,
desiring to be shriven ; and thereupon presently died. The
Revenge had in her, divers fair brass pieces, that were all sunk
in the sea ; which they of the island were in good hope to
weigh up again.
The next summer after [i.e., 1592], among these ships, that
were cast away about Terceira, was likewise a Fly-boat
called the White Dove (being one of those that had been ar-
rested in Portugal to serve the King), lost there. The Master
of her, was one Cornelius Martenson, of Schiedam in Hol-
land ; and there were in her, as in every one of the rest, one
hundred soldiers. He, being overruled by their Captain, that
he could not be master of his own, sailing here and there at
the mercy of GOD, as the storm drove him; in the end, came
within sight of the island of Terceira. Which the Spaniards
perceiving, thought all their safety only to consist in putting
into the road; compelling the Master and Pilot tomaketowards
the island. The Master refused to do it, saying, that " They
were most sure there to be cast away, and utterly spoiled " :
but the Captain called him, " Drunkard ! and Heretic ! " and
striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he would
have him.
The Master seeing this, and being compelled to do it, said,
" Well, my masters ! seeing it is the desire of you all to be
cast away ! I can but lose one life ! " and therewith desper-
ately, he sailed towards the shore ; and was on that side of the
island where there was nothing else but hard stones, and rocks
as high as mountains, most terrible to behold : where some
J. H. V. Linschotenj PrigjjxFUL CyCLONE AT THE AzORES. 12 1
of the inhabitants stood, with long ropes and corks bound at
the end thereof, to throw them down to the men that they
might lay hold upon them and save their lives ; but few of
them got so near, most of them been cast away, and smitten
in pieces, before they could get to the wall.
The ship sailing in this manner towards the island, and
approaching to the shore ; the Master (being an old man
and full of years) called his son, that was in the ship with
him, and having embraced one another, and taken their last
farewell, the good old father willed his son not to take care
for him, but to seek to save himself: " For" said he, " son!
thou art young : and may have some hope to save thy life ;
but as for me, I am old, it is no great matter what becomes of
me." Therewith, each of these, shedding many tears (as
every loving father and kind child may well consider) the ship
fell upon the cliffs, and brake in pieces : the father falling into
the sea, on the one side, and the son on the other ; each laying
hold on that which came next to hand, but to no purpose.
For the sea was so high and furious, that they were all
drowned, but fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves by
swimming, but yet with their legs and arms half broken and
out of joint ; among the which, were the Master's son, and
four other Dutch boys. The rest of the Spaniards and sailors,
with the Captain and Master, were drowned.
Whose heart would not melt with, to behold so grievous a
sight ? especially considering with himself, that the greatest
cause thereof was the beastliness and insolency of the
Spaniards ; as in this only [single] example may well be seen.
Whereby may be considered how the other ships sped [in the
previous storm of October 1591] : as we ourselves did in part be-
hold, and by the men that were saved, did hear more at
large; as also some others of our countrymen [i.e., Dutchmen]
that, then, were in the like danger can well witness.
At the other islands, the loss [in October 1591] was no less
than in Terceira. For on the island of St. George, there
were two ships cast away; on the island of Pico, two ships;
on the island of Graciosa, three ships : and besides those,
there came everywhere round about, divers pieces of broken
ships and other things, fleeting towards the islands; wherewith
the sea was all covered, most pitiful to behold.
122 Blasphemous talk of the Azoreans. [J- "•''•,'
Linschoten.
1594-
On the island of St. Michael, there were four ships cast
away; and between Terceira and St. Michael, three more
were sunk, which were seen, and heard to cry out : whereof
not one man was saved. The rest put into the [out to] sea,
without masts, all torn and rent.
So that of the whole fleet and armada, being 140 ships in
all, there were but 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal:
yea, and those few with so great misery, pain, and labour that
no two of them arrived together; but this day one, and to-
morrow another, the next day a third, and so on, one after the
other, to the number aforesaid.
All the rest were cast away upon the Islands [Azores] and
overwhelmed in the sea : whereby may be considered what
great loss and hindrance they received at that time. For,
by many men's judgements, it was esteemed to be much more
than was left by the Army that came for England [in 1588] ;
and it may be well thought and presumed that it was no other
but a just plague, purposely sent by GOD upon the Spaniards:
and that it might truly be said, the taking of the Revenge was
justly revenged upon them ; and that, not by the might or
force of man, but by the power of GOD.
As some of them openly said, in the isle of Terceira, that
** They believed, verily, GOD would consume them ; and that
He took part with Lutherans and heretics." Saying further
that " So soon as they had thrown the dead body of the Vice-
admiral Sir Richard Grenville overboard; they verily
thought that, as he had a devilish faith and religion, and
therefore that the devils loved him : so he presently sank
down into the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where
he raised up all the devils to revenge his death ; and that
they brought so great storms and torments upon the Spaniards,
only [simply] because they maintained the Catholic and Romish
religion." Such, and such like blasphemies against GOD,
they ceased not openly to utter ; without any man reproving
them nor their false opinions thereon : but the most part of
them the rather said, and affirmed that " of truth, it must
needs be so."
As one of these Indian fleets put out of New Spain, there were
35 of them, by storm and tempest, cast away and drowned
in the sea : so that, out of 50 in all, but 15 escaped.
Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo, there were 14
J.H.v.Linschoten.-jQQjQ WILL PLAGUE THE SPANIARDS. I 23
cast away, coming out of the Channel of Havanna; whereof
the Admiral and Vice-admiral were two. From Terra firnia
in India [i.e., Central America], there came two ships ladened
with gold and silver; that were taken by the Englishmen.
And before the Spanish Armada came to Corvo, the English-
men, at different times, had taken, at the least, 20 ships, that
came from Santo Domingo, [West] India, Brazil, &c.; and
sent them all to England.
Whereby it plainly appeareth, that, in the end, GOD will
assuredly plague the Spaniards : having already blinded
them, so that they have not the sense to perceive it, but still
to remain in their obstinate opinions. But it is lost labour to
strive against GOD, and to trust in man ; as being foundations
erected upon the sands, which, with the wind, are blown
down and overthrown : as we daily see before our eyes, and,
not long since, have evidently observed in many places.
Therefore, let every man but look to his own actions ! and
take our Low Countries for an example : wherein, we can but
blame our own sins and wickedness ; which doth so blind us,
that we wholly forget and reject the benefits of GOD, con-
tinuing the servants and yoke slaves of Satan. GOD, of His
mercy ! open our eyes and hearts ! that we may know our
only Health and Saviour, Jesus Christ ; who only can help,
govern, and preserve us; and give us a happy end in all our
affairs.
LiNSCHOTEN's vetum home to E7jkhuise?t.
Y THE destruction of the Spaniards, and their evil
success, the lading and shipping of the goods that
were saved out of the ship that came from Malacca
to Terceira, was again put off: and therefore we
must have patience till it please GOD to send a fitter time ;
and that we received further advices and order from His
Majesty of Spain.
All this being thus past, the Farmers and other merchants
(seeing that the hope of any armada or ships in the King's
behalf to be sent to fetch the goods, was all in vain) made
request unto His Majesty that he would grant them licence,
for every man particularly [individually] to ship his goods in
124 LiNSCriOTEN SAILS FROM TeRCEIRA TO
r Luischoten.
I ? 1594-
what ship he would, at his own adventure ; which, after long
suit, was granted in the end : upon condition that every man
should put in sureties to deliver the goods into the Custom
House at Lisbon, to the end that the King might be paid his
custom ; as also that the goods, delivered to them in Terceira,
should all be registered.
Whereupon, the Farmers of Pepper, with other merchants,
agreed with a Flushinger, to fetch all the cloves, nutmegs,
mace, and other spices, and goods that belonged to them ;
excepting only the pepper, which the King as then would not
grant to lade.
The same ship arrived at Terceira, about the last of
November; and, because it was somewhat dangerous, being
the latter end of the year, we laded her with all the speed we
could : for then the coast was clear of Englishmen.
To be short. This Flushinger, being ladened with the most
part of the goods, saving the pepper ; set sail for Lisbon,
passing some small storms, not once meeting with any ship ;
but only on the [Portuguese] coast, where we saw ten
Hollanders that sailed with corn towards Leghorn and other
places in Italy : and so, by GOD's help ! upon the 2nd of
January 1592, we arrived in the river of Lisbon ; being nine
years after my departure from thence.
1592.
There I stayed till the month of July to despatch such
things as I had to do : and upon the 17th of the same month,
I went to Setubal ; where certain Hollanders lay, with whom
I went to Holland.
The 22nd of July, we set sail, being in all 12 ships ; and
because we had a contrary wind, we put out higher into the
\ further out to] sea.
The 27th of the same month, we had a lasting storm,
whereby we ran against another ship ; both being in a hundred
dangers to be sunk, for we were within a span of touching one
another : but GOD helped us, and we parted from each other ;
which almost seemed impossible. For the bore-sprite [bow-
sprit] of the ship that came against us, strake upon our Fouke-
yard ; and therewith brake in pieces : and thereupon his
Fouke-mast fell overboard; whereby he was forced to leave
the fleet. Another also of our company had a leak, so that
^"'r'^S-]^^^^^^' &FROM THENCE, TO THeTexEL. I25
he made towards the [Portuguese] coast : where, to save the
men, he ran the ship on shore ; as, afterwards, we under-
stood. So we remained but ten in company.
The ist of August, being ninety miles in the [out at] sea,
because the wind held contrary, so that we could not keep
our right course ; we espied three strange ships : but it was
not long, before we lost the sight of them again.
The 4th of August, there came three other ships among
our fleet, which we perceived to be Biscayens : whereupon
we made towards them, and shot certain pieces at them ;
and so they left us.
The i6th of August, the wind being yet contrary, and
because there were about fifteen passengers aboard our ship,
our victuals, specially our drink, began to fail : so that we
were constrained to keep an order, and to stint every man to
his portion ; being then 120 miles from Heissant [Ushant]
inwards in the [out at] sea, which is called, the Half Sea.
The i8th, we had a storm, whereby three of our fleet were
left behind ; because they could not follow us.
The 24th of August we cast out the lead, and found ground ;
wherewith we were all glad, for it was the entrance into the
Channel between England and France.
The 27th of August, being in the Channel, there came two
small English ships to view our fleet, but presently put in
again to the coast of England.
The 28th, we descried land, being loofward from us ; which
was Goutster and Dartmouth.
The next day, we passed by the Isle of Wight, sailing along
the coast.
The 30th of August, we put into the head [Straits] of Dover
and Calais ; where there lay one of the Queen's ships ; but
she hoisted anchor, and sailed to the coast of England, with-
out looking after us. So we set four men on shore [i.e., in
England],
Then we had a scant wind, wherewith we entered into the
North Sea; not seeing anybody.
The ist of September, being cloudy, we had a storm out of
the north-west, whereby we could not discern the land : but in
the evening, we met with two ships that came out of the East
Countries [Baltic Provinces], who ioldi us they had seen land
saying, " It was the Texel" ; willing us to follow them. And
126 LiNSCHOTEN ARRIVES AT EnKHUISEN. p "• ''•y^'"'"=^°5^^';
SO we discovered land, it being the Vlie : but we, thinking it
to be the Texel, would not longer follow the other ships; but
put so near unto it, that we were in great danger. Then we
perceived that we had deceived ourselves, and saw the other
ships take another course towards the Texel : but we had the
wind so scant, and were fallen so low, that we could hardly
get from the shore. And withal, we had a sudden storm,
wherewith our Fouke-mast brake ; our mainmast being
already cracked : whereupon, we were fully determined to
anchor there, and stand upon good comfort and hope in GOD.
Suddenly the wind came better, so that with great pain and
labour, about sun setting, we entered the mouth of the Texel,
without any pilot : for, by reason of the great wind, they
durst not come out. So, to conclude, we got in; and there,
with thanksgiving to GOD, we anchored.
In the morning, being the 2nd of September, our Gunner
thinking to charge the pieces, and, for joy, to shoot them off
before the town : by fortune, a ladle full of powder took fire
and, and with the fire thereof, strake off all his right hand,
and burnt him in many places of his body ; wherewith our
joy was wholly quailed and abated.
The 3rd of September [N.S.], we arrived at Enkhuisen ;
where I found my mother, brother, and sister, all living and
in good health : it being twelve years, nine months and a
half, after my departure thence.
For which GOD Almighty, with His Son Jesus Christ
our Saviour, be praised and blessed ! To Whom belongeth
all power, honour and glory, now and for evermore.
Amen.
[Sir Richard Grenville's last words concluded: *■ But the
others of 7uy company have done as traitors and dogs, for which
they shall be reproached all their lives and leave a shameful
name for ever.']
127
Rev. Richard Hakluyt.
The Voyage of the Dog to the
Gulf of Mexico^ 1589.
[ Voyages:\
brief remembrance for want of further advertisements
as yet, of a voyage made this present year 1589, by
William Michelson Captain, and William Mace
(of RatcHff) Master of a ship called the Dog, to the
Bay of Mexico, in the West Indies.
He foresaid ship called the Do^-, of 70 tons burden,
was armed forth with the number of forty men. I
departed from the coast of England in the month of
May [1589], directly for the West Indies. It fell in
with the Bay of Mexico, and there met with
divers Spanish ships at sundry times ; whereof three fell into
her lap, and were forced to yield to the mercy of the English.
The last that they met with in the Bay was a Spanish Man
of War, whom the English chased ; and after three several
fights upon three several days, pressed him so far that he
entreated a parley, by putting out a flag of trace.
The parley was granted, and certain of the Spaniards came
aboard the English ship ; where after conference about those
matters that had passed in fight betwixt them, they received
reasonable entertainment and a quiet farewell.
The Spaniards, as if they had meant to requite the English
courtesy, invited our men to their ship; who persuading them-
selves of good meaning in them, went aboard. But honest
and friendly dealing was not their purpose. For suddenly
they assaulted our men, and with a dagger stabbing the
English pilot to the heart, slew him. Others were served
with the like sauce ; only William Mace the Master (and
two others) notwithstanding all the prepared traps of the
128 The Voyage of tke Bog. l^^" '^- '^^^1%:
enemy, leaped overboard into the sea, and so came safe to his
own ship : and directing his course to England, arrived at
Plymouth the loth of September [1589] last ; laden with
wines, iron, roans which are a kind of linen cloth, and
other rich commodities. Looking also for the arrival of the
rest of his consorts; whereof one, and the principal one, hath
not long since obtained [reached] its port.
Thus much, in general terms only, I have as yet learned
and received touching this voyage, as extracted out of letters
sent from the foresaid William Mace to Master Edward
Wilkinson of Tower Hill in London.
My principal intention by this example is to admonish our
nation of circumspection in dealing with that subtle enemy ;
and never to trust the Spanish further than that their own
strength shall be able to master them. For otherwise who-
soever shall through simplicity trust their courtesy shall by
trial taste of their assured cruelty.
129
The destruction^ capture^ &^c. of Portuguese
C arracks^ by English seamen.
1592-1594 ^'D,
R. Hakluvt. Voyages, III.,
194, Ed. 1600.
The fullest and most exact description in this volume of the annual
Fleets, usually consisting of five Carracks, that went from Lisbon to
Goa and back, is that written by Linschoten, who made the voyage in
the years 1582- 1592. The following events occurred after Linschoten
reached Lisbon, on 2nd January 1592.
Some additional particulars from a very rare tract, The Seaman^s
Triumph^ London 1592 4to, are given in the footnotes.
A true Report of the honourable Service at sea performed by
Sir foHN BuRROUGH Knight, Lieutenant General of the Fleet
prepared by the Honourable Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord
Warden of the S tanneries of Cornwall and Devon. Wherein,
chiefly, the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was
taken : and the two East Indian Carracks, the Santa Cruz
and the Madre de Dios, were forced ; the one bzirnt, the other
taken and brought into Dartmouth the yth of September 1592.
Ir Walter Ralegh, upon Commission
received from Her Majesty for an Expe-
dition to be made to the West Indies,
slacked not his uttermost diligence to
make full provision of all things neces-
sary : as, both in his choice of good ships,
and [of] sufficient men to perform the
action, evidently appeared. For [of] his
ships, which were in number fourteen or fifteen, those two of
n. I 5
130 Ralegh's Expedition for Panama. [,,55^
Her Majesty's, the Garland and the Foresight, were the
chiefest. The rest [were] either his own, or his good friends',
or [belonged to] Adventurers of London. For the Gentle-
men his consorts and Officers, to give them their right, they
were so well qualited in courage, experience, and discretion
as the greatest Prince might repute himself happy to be
served with their like.
The honour of Lieutenant General was imposed upon Sir
John Burrough, a Gentleman, for his manifold good and
heroical parts, thought every way worthy of that command-
ment. With whom, after Sir WALTER Ralegh returned,
was joined in Commission, Sir Martin Frobisher : who,
for his special skill and knowledge in marine causes, had
formerly carried employments of like, or greater, place. The
rest of the Captains, soldiers, and sailors were men of not-
able resolution ; and, for the most part, such as heretofore
had given to the World sufficient proof of their valour in
divers Services of the like nature.
With these ships, thus manned. Sir WALTER RalEGH de-
parted towards the West country, there to store himself with
such further necessaries as the state of his Voyage \Expedition\
did needfully require. Where the westerly winds, blowing
for a long time contrary to his course, bound and constrained
him to keep harbour so many weeks that the fittest sea-
son for his purpose was gone ; the minds of his people, much
altered ; his victuals, consumed : and withal Her Majesty,
understanding how crossly all this sorted, began to call the
procedings of this preparation into question.
Insomuch that, whereas the 6th of May [1592] was first
come before Sir Walter could put to sea ; the very next
day, Sir Martin Frobisher, in a Pinnance of my [Lord
Hov^ARD of Effingham, the] Lord Admiral's, called the
Disdain, met him : and brought to him, from Her Majesty,
Letters of Revocation, with commandment to relinquish for
his own part, the intended attempt ; and to leave the charge
and conduct of all things in the hands of Sir John Bur-
ROUGH and Sir Martin Frobisher.
But Sir Walter (finding his honour so far engaged in
the undertaking of this Voyage \Expeditio7i'\ as, without pro-
ceeding, he saw no remedy either to salve his reputation ;
or to content those his friends, which had put in adventures
?1592
] The English Fleet is divided in two. 131
of great sums with him : and making construction of the
Queen's Letters, in such sort, as if her commandment had
been propounded in indifferent terms, either to advance
forward, or to retire, at his own discretion) would in no
case yield to leave his Fleet now under sail.
Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met,
within a day or two, with certain Sails lately come from
Spain. Among which was a ship appertaining to Monsieur
GOURDON, Governor of Calais : and [he] found aboard her,
one Master Nevel Davies, an Englishman, who (having
endured a long and miserable captivity for the space of
twelve years [1580- 1592]; partly in the Inquisition in Spain)
was now, by good fortune, escaped ; and upon [his] return to
his [own] country.
This man, among other things, reported for certain. That
there was little hope of any good this year to be done in the
West India : considering that the King of Spain had sent
express order to all the ports, both of the Islands and of
Terra Jirnia, that no ship should stir that year, nor any
treasure be laid aboard for Spain.
But neither this unpleasant relation, nor aught else, could
stay his proceedings, until a tempest of strange and uncouth
violence, arising upon Thursday the nth of May, when he
was athwart Cape Finisterre, had so scattered the greater
part of the Fleet, and sunk his boats and Pinnaces : that as
the rest were driven and severed, some this way, and some
that ; Sir WALTER himself, being in the Garland of Her
Majesty's [Ships], was in danger to be swallowed up of the sea.
Whereupon Sir WALTER Ralegh finding that the season
of the year was too far gone to proceed with the enterprise
which he had upon Panama, having been held on the English
coast from February till May [1592], and thereby spent
three months' victuals ; and considering withal that to lie
upon the Spanish coast, or at the Islands [of the Azores], to
attend the return of the East [Indian], or West Indian Fleets,
was rather a work of patience than aught else : he gave
directions to Sir JOHN BURROUGH and Sir MARTIN Fro-
bisher to divide the Fleet in two parts. Sir Martin with
the Garland, Captain George Giffard, Captain Henry
Thin, Captain Grenville, and others, to lie off the South
Cape \_Cape St Vincent] ; thereby to amaze the Spanish
132 Capture of the Santa Clara of Biscay. [^J,,.
Fleet, and to hold them on their own coast, while Sir John
BURROUGH [in the Roebuck\ Captain [Sir] ROBERT CrOSSE
[in the Foresight^ Captain THOMSON [in the Dainty], and
others, should attend the Islands for the Carracks [from Goa]
or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other
parts of the West Indies.
Which direction took effect \was ejfectual] accordingly.
For the King of Spain's Admiral, receiving intelligence that
the English Fleet was come on the coast, attended to defend
the south parts of Spain, and to keep himself as near Sir
Martin Frobisher as he could, to impeach \}iinder\ him
in all things which he might undertake : and thereby
neglected the safe conduct of the Carracks ; with whom it
fared as hereafter shall appear.
Before the Fleet severed themselves, they met with a great
The^a«te Biscayen on the Spanish coast, called [the] Santa
cayen'ship of Clara, a ship of 600 tons. The noise of the artil-
600 tons, taken, jgj-y q^ botli sides bciug heard ; immediately they
drew to their Fleet. Where, after a reasonably hot fight, the
ship was entered and mastered : which they found fraighted
with all sorts of small ironwork, as horse-shoes, nails, plough-
shares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, and such like,
valued by us at £6,000 or ;^7,ooo [ = ^24,000 to ;i^30,ooo
now], but worth to them treble the value. This Biscayen
was sailing towards San Lucar [de Barrameda, the Port of
Seville], there to take in some further provision for the West
India.
This ship being first rummaged, and after sent for Eng-
land : our Fleet coasted along towards the South Cape of St
Vincent.
And, by the way, about the Rock \^Cape da Roca] near
Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck spying a Sail
afar off, gave her present chase : which, being a Fly-boat
and of good sail \a good sailer], drew him far southwards
before he could fetch her ; but at last she came under his lee,
and struck sail.
The Master of which Fly-boat coming aboard him, con-
fessed, that the King [Philip II.] indeed had prepared a
great Fleet in San Lucar [de Barrameda] and Cadiz ; and, as
the report in Spain was current, for the West Indies.
^jJJ BURROUGH EVADES THE SPANISH FlEET. 1 33
But indeed the Spanish King had provided this Fleet
upon this counsel :
He received intelligence that Sir WALTER RALEGH was
to put out strong for the West India. To impeach him, and
to ranconter [encounter] his force ; he appointed this Fleet :
although, looking for the arrival of his East Indian Carracks,
he first ordained those ships to waft [convoy] them from the
Azores. But persuading himself that if the Fleet of Sir
Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, then the
Islands should have none to infest them but small Men of
War ; which the Carracks of themselves would be well able
to match : his order was to Don Alonso DE Bagan,
brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and General of his
Armada, to pursue Sir Walter's Fleet, and to confront
him ; what course soever he held.
And that this was true, our men in short time by proof
understood. For Sir JOHN BURROUGH (not long after the
taking of his last prize, the Fly-boat), as he sailed back again
towards the rest of his company, discovered the Spanish
Fleet to seaward of him : which, having likewise spied him
betwixt them and the shore, made full account to bring him
safe into [a] Spanish harbour ; and therefore spread them-
selves in such sort before him, that indeed his danger was
very great. For both the liberty of the sea was brought into
a narrow straight [dt'slance] ; and the shore, being enemy
[Aosti'/e] could give him no comfort of relief So sir John bur-
that, trusting to GOD's help only and his good dange" o7th?*
sail [sai/ing], he thrust out from among them, in Spanish Fleet.
spite of all their force ; and, to the notable illusion of all
their cunning, which they shewed to the uttermost in laying
the way for his apprehension.
But now Sir John Burrough, having happily escaped
their clutches ; finding the coast guarded by this Fleet ; and
knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with Sir
Martin Frobisher (who understanding of this Armada, as
well as himself, would be sure not to come that way), began
to shape his course to the Azores, according to Sir WALTER
Ralegh's direction : and came in sight of St. xhe isie of st.
Michael ; running so near by Villa Franca, that he Michael.
might easily discern the ships lying there at anchor.
134 BURROUGH SIGHTS THE SaNTA CrUZ. [7 J,,.
Divers small Caravels both here and between St George's
Divers small [Island] and the Pike [Pico], in his course towards
ships taken. Flores, hc intercepted : of which no great intelli-
gence for his affairs could be understood.
Arriving before Flores, upon Thursday the 21st of June,
towards evening, [in the Roebuck], accompanied only by
Captain Caufield and the Master of his ship ; the rest not
being yet arrived : he made towards the shore with his boat :
Santa Cruz, a finding all the people of Santa Cruz, a village of
isie^'lf Flores. that island, in arms ; fearing their landing, and
ready marshalled to defend their town from spoil.
Sir John, contrariwise, made signs of amity unto them by
advancing a white flag, a common token of peace : which
was answered again of them with the like. Whereupon
ensued intercourses of good friendship ; and pledges were
taken on both sides, the Captain of the town for them and
Captain Caulfield for ours. So that whatsoever our men
wanted, which that place could supply, either in fresh water,
victuals, or the like, was very willingly granted \i.e. for pay-
ment) by the inhabitants ; and good leave had they to refresh
themselves on shore, as much and as oft as they would,
without restraint.
At this Santa Cruz, Sir JOHN BuRROUGH was informed
that indeed there was among them no expectation of any
News of the Flcct to come from the West : but from the East,
Carracks!'" that no lougcr since than three days before his
arrival [i.e. i8th June 1592] a Carrack was passed by for
Lisbon, and that there were four Carracks more behind, of
one consort [company or Fleet].
Sir John, being very glad of this news, stayed no longer
on shore, but presently embarked himself: having only in
company a small Bark, of 60 tons [? the Phcenix, see page
139], belonging to one Master HOPKINS of Bristol.
In the meanwhile that these things thus passed at Flores;
part of the rest of the English Fleet, which Sir John Bur-
ROUGH had left upon the coast of Spain, drew also towards
the Azores. And whereas he quickly, at sea, had discovered
one of the Carracks [the Sa?ita Cruc] : the same evening, he
might descry two or three of [GEORGE CLIFFORD] the Earl
of Cumberland's ships [two of them were the Tiger and the
Sampson], whereof one Master NORTON was Captain [or as
,J592.] The Santa Cruz, half-burnt, is taken. 135
we should now say, Commodore] ; which having, in Hke sort,
kenned the Carrack, pursued her by that course which they
saw her to run towards the Islands.
But on no side was there any way made, by reason of a
great calm which yielded no breath to spread a sail. Inso-
much that (fitly to discover her what she was ; of what
burden, force, and countenance) Sir JOHN BURROUGH took
his boat, and rowed the space of three miles, to make her
[out] exactly ; and, being returned, he consulted with the
better sort of the Company then present, upon the boarding
[of] her in the morning.
But a very mighty storm arising in the night, the ex-
tremity thereof forced them all to weigh anchors ; yet
their care was such in wrestling with the weather, not to lose
the Carrack : [so] that, in the morning (the tempest being
qualified, and our men bearing again with the shore), they
might perceive the Carrack very near the land ; and the
Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they
could, [in] any manner of way, convey out of her. And
seeing the haste our men made to come upon them ; [they]
forsook her.
But first, that nothing might be left commodious to our
men ; [they] set fire to that which they could not a Carrack,
carry with them : intending by that means, wholly ^iantacluz
to consume her ; that neither glory of victory, nor set on fire,
benefit of ship, might remain to ours.
And lest the approach and industry of the English should
bring means to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserve the
residue of that which the fire had not destroyed : being 400
of them in number and well armed, they intrenched them-
selves on land so near the Carrack, that she, being by their
forces protected and our men kept aloof off; the fire might
continue to the consumption of the whole.
This being noted by Sir JOHN BURROUGH ; he soon pro-
vided a present remedy for this mischief. For a hundred of
landing 100 of his men (whereof many did swim, kndTd."
and wade more than breast high, to shore) and easily scatter-
ing those that presented themselves to guard the coast : he
no sooner drew towards their new trenches, but they fled
immediately ; leaving as much as the fire had spared [of the
Santa CrHz\ to be the reward of our men's pains.
136 News of three more Carracks. [i.lg^.
Here were taken, among others, one VINCENT FONSECA,
a Portugal, Purser of the Carrack ; with two others, one an
Almain [Gervian], and the second a Low Dutchman [Ho/-
lander^ Cannon iers : who, refusing to make any voluntary
report of those things which were demanded of them, had
the torture threatened ; the fear whereof, at the last, wrested
from them this intelligence :
That, within fifteen days, three other greater Carracks than
that [the Santa Cruz\ lately fired, would arrive at the same
Island [of Flores]. And that being five Carracks in the
Fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Biien Jesus,
Admiral \Flag Ship]; the Madre de Dios\ the San Bernardo;
the San Christophoro ; and the Santa Cruz, whose fortune
you have already heard : they had received special command-
ment from the King [Philip II.] not to touch, in any case,
at the Island of St. Helena, where the Portugal Carracks,
in their return from the East India, were always, till now,
wont to arrive, to refresh themselves with water and victuals.
And the King's reason was, because of the English Men of
War : who, as he was informed, lay there in wait to intercept
them. If therefore their necessity of water should drive
them to seek [a] supply anywhere, he appointed them
Angola, anew Angola, in the main[land] of Africa; with order
fof^hi"^^'^" there to stay only the taking in of water, to
Carracks. avoid the inconvenience of infections, whereunto
that hot latitude is dangerously subject. The last rendez-
vous for them all was the Island of Flores : where the
King assured them not to miss of his Armada, thither
sent of purpose for their wafting \convoy\ to Lisbon.
Upon this information. Sir JOHN drew to Council [of War],
meeting there Captain NORTON, Captain DOWNTON, Captain
Abraham Cocke, Captains of three ships of [GEORGE Clif-
ford,] the Earl of CUMBERLAND ; Master THOMSON of
Harwich, Captain of the Dainty of Sir JOHN Hawkins's, one
of Sir Walter Ralegh's Fleet ; and Master Christopher
Newport, Captain of the Golden Dragon, newly returned
from the West Indies ; and others.
These being assembled, he communicated with them what
he had understood of the foresaid Examinates ; and what
great presumptions of truth their relation did carry : wishing
that forasmuch as GOD and good fortune had brought them
J JJ The English sight the Madre de Dios. 137
together in so good a season, they would shew the uttermost
of their endeavours to bring these EasterHngs \here weaning,
the Carracks from the East : an nnusual application of a word
ordinarily applied to Baltic ships] under the lee of English
obedience.
Hereupon a present accord, on all sides, followed ; not to
part company, or leave off those seas, till time should present
cause to put their consultations in execution.
The next day [? 29th June 1592], Her Majesty's good Ship
the Foresight, commanded by Sir ROBERT Crosse, came in
to the rest : and he, likewise informed of the matter, was
soon drawn into this Service.
Thus Sir John, with all these ships, departing thence [to
some] six or seven leagues to the West of Flores ; they
spread themselves abroad from the North to the South ;
each ship two leagues, at the least, distant from another.
By which order of extension, they were able to discover
the space of two whole degrees [=140 miles'] at sea.
In this sort, they lay from the 29th of June to the 3rd of
August [1592].
[At] what time. Captain THOMSON, in the Dainty, had
first sight of the huge Carrack, called the Madre de Dios
[the Mother of God] ; one of the greatest receipt \burden]
belonging to the Crown of Portugal.
The Dainty, being of excellent sail, got the start of the
rest of our Fleet : and began the conflict, somewhat to her
cost, with the slaughter and hurt of divers of her men.*
Within a while after, Sir John Burrough, in the Roebuck
of Sir Walter Ralegh's [Fleet], was at hand to second
* By noon, or one of the clock, of that day, being the 3rd of August
[1592], the Dainty came near her so that the Gunner, whose name was
Thomas Bedome (being a proper tall man ; and had very good aim at
anything, and good luck withal), desired the Captain [THOMSON] he
might give them a shoot : to let them understand that they were
Englishmen ; and, under Her Highness, Commanders of the Seas.
The Captain (having great care ; and not willing to have any
shoot shot in vain) commanded him to forbear till they should come
nearer her ; which was not long : when the Captain commanded him
to do his best ; and carousing a can of wine to his Company, encouraged
them to begin the fight.
And coming up, [he] hailed them, after the manner of the sea ; and
commanded them to strike for the Queen of England : which they no
138 The Carrack fights six English Ships, [^j'g^.
her : who saluted her with shot of great ordnance, and con-
tinued the fight, within musket shot, (assisted by Captain
Thomson [in the Damtyl and Captain NEWPORT [in the
Golden Drago}P^ till Sir ROBERT CrOSSE, Vice Admiral
of the Fleet [there present], came up ; [having] been to
leeward.
At whose arrival, Sir JOHN BURROUGH demanded of him.
What was best to be done?
Who answered. That if the Carrack were not boarded ;
she would recover the shore, and fire herself, as the other
had done.
Whereupon Sir JOHN BURROUGH concluded to entangle
her: and Sir Robert Cross promised also to fasten himself
[in the Foresight] to her together at the instant. Which was
performed.
But, after a while. Sir John Burrough['s ship, the
Roebuck^ receiving a shot, with a cannon perier, under
water, and [being] ready to sink ; [he] desired Sir ROBERT
Crosse to fall off that he might also clear himself, and
save his ship from sinking : which with difficulty he did.
For both the Roebuck and the Foresight were so entangled
as, with much ado, could they clear themselves.
The same evening, Sir ROBERT Crosse (finding the
Carrack then sure, and drawing near the Island) persuaded
his company to board her again ; or else there was no
hope to recover her : who, after many excuses and fears,
were by him encouraged. And so [his ship] fell athwart
her foreships all alone ; and so hindered her sailing, that
the rest had time to come up to his succour, and to recover
the Carrack ere she recovered the land.
sooner refused, but the Gunner, being ready, gave fire to two whole
culverins in her chase ; and racked and tore her pitifully.
Bearing up with them, [we] gave them the whole [broad] side ; and
boarded them presently : who resisted most courageously, and put us
off again.
Thus continued the Dainty in fight a pretty while before any others
could come to help her.
In which time, she laid her aboard three several times, tore her
Ancient \Flao;'\ from her Poop, and slev her Captain [?]. And more
harm had done them : but that, by chance, a shot bare their Foremast
by the board ; which they were compelled to splice again, to their great
trouble.
The Seaman's Triumph. [30th September] 1592.
,,592.] The Carrack is, at length, taken. 139
And so, towards the evening, after he had fought with
her alone three hours singly, my Lord of Cumberland's
two ships [the Tiger and the Sampson] came up : rhe Madrede
and, with very little loss, [they] entered with ^'^'^'^ken.
Sir Robert Crosse ; who had, in that time, broken
their courage, and made the assault easy for the rest.*
The General [Sir John Burrough] having disarmed the
Portugals ; and stowed them, for better security, on all
sides [i.e. in tJie various English ships'] ; first had presented to
his eyes, the true proportion of the vast body of this
Carrack ; which did then, and may still, justly provoke the
admiration [tvonderment] of all men not formerly acquainted
with such a sight.
But albeit this first appearance of the hugeness thereof
* The next was Her Majesty's good Ship, the Foresight ; whose
Commander for that Service was Captain [Sir Robert] Crosse (a man
well approved in marine causes, and far hath adventured) : who with
his ship laid her aboard, and very valiantly assailed them ; and was
most stoutly by the Spaniards also repulsed.
Insomuch that the brave Captain, of whose men, many were weak ;
and yet being loath Her Majesty's Ship should be shaken off without
victory, fired the Carrack : rather wishing her to be burnt, than the
enemies to enjoy her. But the proud and lofty-minded Spaniards,
standing on their resolute points, returned the fire again, or some other :
which three times was kindled [on board the Foresight] ; to the great
cumber of Captain Crosse and his Company, that would not so leave
them.
This dangerous conflict between these ships endured [a] long
time. Which the Plicenix of Portsmouth perceiving . . . being of 60
tons or thereabouts . . . left her for a time ; standing with their
Admiral and Vice-Admiral, which were the Tiger and the Sampson :
and coming up with them, declared unto them the hardy fight of the
Foresight ; who presently bare up with them all the night. The
Sampson, being the first, coming up with the Carrack, gave her the
whole broadside : and shutting up into the Foresight's quarter, entered
his men into her.
Captain Norton, that brave and worthy Gentleman, laid her also
aboard, having the Tiger with him.
And so [all three crews] entered together, being 100 men at the
least, all resolutely minded. At whose entrance they yielded so great a
cry as the dismayed Portugals and Spaniards could not bethink them-
selves what course to take to help themselves : in such a maze were
they stricken, although they were [originally] Soo strong, all well-
appointed and able men ; and of ours but 100. But standing thus, as
men amazed, at length [they] yielded themselves vanquished.
The Seaman's Triumph. [30th September] 1 592
140 Hard fortune of Captain de Mendoza. \j,l^^,
yielded sights enough to entertain our men's eyes ; yet the
pitiful object of so many bodies slain and dismembered could
not but draw each man's eye to see, and heart to lament, and
hands to help, those miserable people ; whose limbs were so
torn with the violence of shot, and pain made grievous with
the multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon
a dead carcase, or a bloody floor. But especially about the
helm ; where very many of them fell suddenly from stirring
[sfeerm£-] to dying. For the greatness of the stirrage
[steerz//£-] requiring the labour of twelve or fourteen men at
once ; and some of our ships, beating her in at the stern
with their ordnance, oftentimes with one shot slew four
or five labouring on either side of the helm : whose rooms
being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery
still playing upon them with continual vollies ; it could
not be but that much blood should be shed in that
place.
Whereupon our General, moved with singular com-
Exceeding miseratiou of their misery, sent them his own
shoTeTtothe chirurgions, denying them no possible help or
Enemy. relief he, or any of his Company, could afford
them.
Among the rest of those, whose state this chance had
made very deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoza,
Grand Captain and Commander of this Carrack : who
indeed was descended of the House of Mendoza in Spain ;
but, being married into Portugal, lived there as one of
that nation. A Gentleman well stricken in years, well
spoken, of comely personage, of good stature : but of hard
fortune.
In his several Services against the Moors, he was twice
taken prisoner ; and both times ransomed by the King [of
Spain].
In a former voyage of return from [or rather, going
to] the East India, he was driven [in August 1585] upon the
baxos or " sands of India " \iiow called Bassas da India, and
sitjiated midway between Africa and Madagascar], near the
coast of Cephala [Sofala'] ; being then also Captain of a
Carrack [the San Jago\ which was there lost : and him-
self, though escapinci the sea danger, yet fell into the hands
,JJ The prisoners are sent to Lisbon. 141
of infidels on land, who kept him under long and grievous
servitude. Once more the King [PHILIP II.], carrying a
loving respect to the man and desirous to better his
condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this
Easterly Navigation ; and committed unto him the conduct
of this Carrack [the Mddre de Bios], wherein he went [in
1591] from Lisbon, General of the whole Fleet: and in that
degree had returned, if the Viceroy of Goa, embarked for
Portugal on the Buen Jesus, had not, by reason of his late
Office, being preferred.
Sir John, intending not to add too much affliction
to the afflicted, moved with pity and compassion of human
misery, in the end, resolved freely to dismiss this Cap-
tain and the most part of his followers to their own
country ; and for the same purpose, bestowed them in
certain vessels, furnished with all kinds of necessary pro-
vision.*
This business thus dispatched, good leisure had he to
take such [a] view of the goods as conveniency might
afford. And having very prudently, to cut off the un-
profitable spoil and pillage whereunto he saw the minds
of many inclined, seized upon the whole to Her Majesty's
use ; after a short and slender rummaging and searching
of such things as first came to hand : he perceived that
the wealth would arise nothing disanswerable to ex-
pectation ; but that the variety and grandeur of all
rich commodities would be more than sufficient to
* They gan to consult. What were best to do with the prisoners,
which were many ? And finding their great scarcity of victuals ; and
not knowing what weather they might have ; nor how it might please
GOD with good wind to prosper them : it was concluded to ship as
many of them as they might ; and to send them for Lisbon. This they
fully determined ; and provision was made of a Bark of Dover, which
they met : the Fleet taking in her men, and such provision as they had
in her ; and embarked the Spaniards and Portingals, with their Negroes,
whereof were many. And gave them, with them, store of victuals ; and
so gave them leave to depart ; detaining none but the principalest of
them.
The Seaman's Triuinph. [30th September] 1592.
142 Revelation of Eastern secrets to us. \_ul92.
content both the Adventurers' desire and the soldiers'
travail.*
And here 1 cannot but enter into the consideration and
acknowledgment of GOD's great favour towards our nation ;
who, by putting this purchase \booty'\ into our hands, hath
manifestly discovered those secret trades and Indian riches
which hitherto lay strangely hidden and cunningly concealed
from us : whereof there was, among some few of us, some
small and unperfect glimpse only ; which now is turned into
the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it
should seem that the will of GOD for our good is, if our
weakness could apprehend it, to have us communicate with
them in those East Indian treasures : and, by the erection of
a lawful Traffic, to better our means to advance true religion
and his holy service. \Just at the ttjne Richard Hakluyt
printed this, 1600 a.d.; he and others were chartered by Queen
Elizabeth, as the English East India Company^
The Carrack, being in burden, by the estimation of the wise
and experienced, [of] no less than 1,600 tons ; had fully 900
of those, stowed with the gross bulk of merchandise : the
rest of the tonnage being allowed, partly to the ordnance,
svhich were 32 pieces of brass of all sorts ; partly to the
passengers and the victuals ; which could not be any small
* The conflict ended, it were a world of wonder to recount unto you
the true reports, how our men bestirred themselves in searching and
pr\-ing into every corner of her as far as they might : as they might well
do, having with so great danger overcome her. The sight of the
riches, within the same contained, did so amaze the Companies (that
were within board of her : and that still came from every ship ; being
desirous to see what GOD had sent them, after so long and hot a fight)
that many of them could not tell what to take ; such was the store and
goodness thereof.
Yea, he that had known what [the] things had been worth, in a little
room might have contrived great wealth. For it is credibly reported
that some younkers happened to find many Jars of Civet, which is o
great worth ; and [it having been] of some long time closely kept was
cause, when they opened the same, it yielded no savour : and they,
ignorant and not knowing what it should be, thinking it but trash, as it
came to their hands, heaved it overboard. Many other things were so
spoiled {destroyed^ for want of knowledge ; when every man had
sufficient, and that not one had cause to complain.
The Seafnaji's Trmniph [30th September] 1592.
j,]g,.] The cargo of the Madke de D ios. 143
quantity, considering the number of the persons, betwixt
600 and 700, and the length of the navigation.
To give you a taste, as it were, of the commodities, it shall
suffice to deliver you a general particularity of AbHefCata-
them, according to the Catalogue taken at Leaden sundry rich
Hall, the 15th of September 1592. Where, upon ^fThTirS-^
good view, it was found that the principal wares, deOios.
after the jewels (which were no doubt of great value, though
they never came to light), consisted of Spices, Drugs, Silks,
Calicoes, Quilts, Carpets, and Colours, &c.
The Spices were Pepper, Cloves, Maces, Nutmegs,
Cinnamon, Green Ginger,
The Drugs were Benjamin \_the gum Benzoin\ Frank-
incense, Galingale \or Galangal\ Mirabolams, Aloes,
Zocotrina, Camphor.
The Silks [were] Damasks, Tafifatas, Sarcenets, Alto-
bassos that is counterfeit Cloth of Gold, unwrought China
Silk, Sleaved Silk, White twisted Silk, Curled Cypress
\~ Cypress lawn, a cobweb lawn or crape\
The Calicoes were Book Calicoes, Calico Lawns, Broad
white Calicoes, Fine starched Calicoes, Coarse white
Calicoes, Brown broad Calicoes, Brown coarse Calicoes.
There were also Canopies, and coarse Diaper Towels ;
Quilts of coarse Sarcenet, and of Calico ; Carpets like
those of Turkey.
Whereunto are to be added the Pearls, Musk, Civet,
and Ambergris,
The rest of the wares were many in number ; but less in
value : as Elephants' teeth ; Porcelain vessels of China ;
Cocoanuts ; Hides ; Ebony wood, as black as jet ; Bed-
steads of the same ; Cloth of the rinds of trees, very strange
for the matter, and artificial in workmanship.
All which piles of commodities being, by men of approved
judgment, rated but in reasonable sort, amounted to no less
than £ 1 50,000 sterling [ = ;^6oo,ooo to ^^700,000 noiv\ : which
being divided among the Adventurers whereof Her Majesty
was the chief, was sufficient to yield contentment to all
parties.
The [above] cargazon \caigo'\ being taken out [at Dart-
mouth], and the goods freighted in ten of our ships, [and]
144 "^"^ DIMENSIONS OF THE MaDRE DE DiOS. [? J^^
sent for London ; to the end that the bigness, height, length,
breadth, and other dimensions, of so huge a vessel might, by
the exact rules of geometrical observations, be truly taken,
both for present knowledge and derivation \transinissioii\
also of the same unto posterity : one Master ROBERT
Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted
nothing in the description which either his art could demon-
strate ; or any man's judgment think worthy the memory.
After an exquisite survey of the whole frame, he found :
~, ., The length, from the beak-head to the stern,
The capacity & ' '
anddimen- whereupon was erected a lantern, to contam 165
sions of the ^
Dtos. 'pj^g breadth, in the second Close deck, whereof
she had three ; this being the place where was most
extension of breadth, was 46 feet 10 inches.
She drew in water 31 feet at her departure from
Cochin in India : but not above 26 [feet] at her arrival
in Dartmouth ; being lightened in her voyage, by divers
means, some 5 feet.
She carried in height, seven several stories [or decks] :
one main Orlop, three Close decks, one Fore-castle, and
a Spar deck of two floors apiece.
The length of the keel was 100 feet : of the Mainmast
121 feet ; and the circuit about, at the partners, 10 feet,
7 inches.
The main-yard was 106 feet long.
By which perfect commensuration of the parts appeareth
the hugeness of the whole : far beyond the mould of the
biggest shipping used among us, either for war or receit
[^bnrden'l.
Don Alonso DE Baqan (having a great Fleet: and
sufiering these two Carracks, the Santa Cm:: to be burnt ;
and the Madre de Dios to be taken) was disgraced by his
Prince for his negligence.
M5
Captain Nicholas Downton.
The firbig and sinkmg of the stout and warlike Carrack^
called Las Cinque Llagas or The Five Wounds [of the Cross
at Calvary, usually called the Stigmata] by three tall ships set
forth at the charges of the Right Honourable [George Clifford'
the Earl of Cumberland and his friends, [cf. II. 27].
N the latter end of the year 1593, the Right
Honourable [GEORGE Clifford,] Earl of Cum-
berland, at his own charges and his Besides these
friends', prepared three tall ships, all at [here was a'
[an] equal rate and either \eac}L\ of them \^^yf^}gf^^^
had [the] like quantity of victuals and [the] like x^n^miynotii
number of men : there being embarked in all three ships,
420 men of all sorts.
The Royal Exchange went as Admiral [Flag Ship] ;
wherein Master GEORGE Cave was Captain. The May
Flower, Vice Admiral, [was] under the conduct of [Captain]
William Anthonie. And the Sampson, the charge whereof,
it please his Honour to commit unto me, Nicholas
Downton.
The directions were sent to us to Plymouth ; and we were
to open them at sea.
The 6th of April 1594, we set sail in the Sound of Ply-
mouth, directing our course toward the Coast of Spain.
The 24th of the said month, at the Admiral's direction ;
we divided ourselves East and West from each other, being
then in the height of 43° [North] : with commandment at
night to come together again.
The 27th, in the morning, we descried the May Flower
and the little Pinnace [the Violet'] with a prize that they had
taken ; being of Vianna [do Castello] in Portugal, and bound
for Angola in Africa. This Bark was of 28 tons ; having
some 17 persons in the same. There were in her, some 12
II. K 5
146 The Carrack fights 3 English ships, [^^p'-n- °°y;'J°^;
butts of Galicia wine ; whereof we took into every ship a Hke
Commodities P^^^ : with soHie Rusk in chests and barrels, with
fit for Angola. 5 butts of blue coarsc cloth, and certain coarse
linen cloth for Negroes' shirts ; which goods were divided
among our Fleet.
The 4th of May, we had sight of our Pinnace and the
Admiral's shallop : which had taken three Portugal Caravels ;
whereof they had sent two away, and kept the third.
The 2nd of June, we had sight of St. Michael [,one of the
Azores].
The 3rd day, in the morning, we sent our small Pinnace,
which was of some 24 tons, with the small Caravel which we
had taken at the Burlings, to range the road[s] [^/larbours] of
all the Islands ; to see if they could get anything in the
same: appointing them to meet us W.S.W. 12 leagues from
Fayal. Their going from us was to no purpose. They
missed coming to us, when we appointed : also we missed
them, when we had great cause to have used them.
The 13th of June, we met with a mighty Carrack of the
East Indies, called Las Cinque Llagas, or The Five Wounds.
The May Flozuer was in fight with her before night. I, in
the Sampson^ fetched her up in the evening ; and (as I com-
manded to give her the broad side, as we term it) while I
stood very heedfully prying to discover her strength ; and
where I might give counsel to board her in the night, when
the Admiral came {sJiould come'\ up to us ; and, as I remember,
at the very first shot she discharged at us, I was shot in a
little above the belly ; whereby I was made unserviceable for
a good while after, without [the Portuguese] touching \Jmrting\
any other for that night.
Yet, by means of an honest true-hearted man which I had
with me, one Captain GRANT, nothing was neglected.
Until midnight, when the Admiral came up ; the May
Flozver and the Sampson never left, by turns, to ply her with
their great ordnance : but then Captain Cave wished us to
stay till morning ; at what time each one of us should give
her three bouts with our great ordnance, and so should clap
her aboard.
But indeed it was long lingered in the morning, until ten
of the clock, before we attempted to board her. The Admiral
Capt.N.Downton.-| -p^jj, EnGLISH BOARDERS BEATEN OFF. 147
laid her aboard in the mid ship : the May Floiver coming up
in the quarter, as it should seem, to lie at the stern of the
Admiral on the larboard side.
[William Anthonie,] the Captain of the said May
Flower was slain at the first coming up : whereby the ship
fell to the stern of the out-licar of the Carrack ; which, being
a piece of timber, so wounded her Foresail, that they said
they could come no more to [the] fight. I am sure they did
not ; but kept aloof from us.
The Sampson were aboard on the bow [of the Carrack] ;
but having not room enough, our quarter lay on the \Royal\
Exchange's, and our bow on the Carrack's bow.
The Exchange also, at the first coming, had her Captain,
Master [George] Cave, shot in both the legs ; the one
whereof he never recovered : so he, for that present, was not
able to do his office ; and, in his absence, he had not any
that would undertake to lead out his Company to enter upon
the Enemy.
My friend, Captain GRANT, did lead my men on the Car-
rack's side ; which, being not manfully backed by the Ex-
cha7ige's men, his forces being small, made the Enemy bolder
than he would have been : whereby I had six men presently
slain, and many more hurt ; which made them that remained
unhurt to return aboard, and [they] would never more give
the assault. I say not but some of the Exchange's men did
very well : and many more, no doubt, would have done the
like, if there had been any principal man to have put them
forward, and to have brought all the Company to the fight ;
and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must
needs say that their ship [the Carrack] was as well provided
for defence as any that I have seen.
And the Portugals, peradventure encouraged by our slack
working, played the men ; and had Barricadoes made where
they might stand without any danger of our shot. They
plied us also very much with fire, so that most of our men
were burnt in some place or other : and while our men were
putting out the fire, they would ever be plying them with
small shot or darts. This unusual casting of fire did much
dismay many of our men, and made them draw back as
they did.
148 Las Cinque Llagas is set on fire. [capt. n. Dowmon.
When we had not men to enter ; we ph'ed our great
ordnance much at them, as high up as they might be
mounted : for otherwise we did them little harm. And by
shooting a piece out of our forecastle, being close by her, we
fired a mat on her beak-head : which [fire] more and more
kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bowsprit ;
and from the mat, up to the wood of the bowsprit ; and
thence to the topsail-yard ; which fire made the Portugals
abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make show oi parU. But
they that had the charge before, encouraged them ; making
show that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing.
Whereupon again they stood stiffly to their defence.
Anon the fire grew so strong that I saw it [to be] beyond
all help ; although she had been already yielded to us.
Then we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to
[have] obtained our desire. Nevertheless we plied water
very much to keep our ship well. Indeed I made little other
reckoning for the ship, myself, and divers hurt men ; [but]
then to have ended there with the Carrack : but most of our
people might have saved themselves in boats. And when
my care was most, by GOD's Providence only, by the burn-
ing asunder of our spritsail-yard with [its] ropes and sail,
and the ropes about the spritsail-yard of the Carrack,
whereby we were fast entangled, we fell apart ; with [the]
burning of some of our sails which we had then on board.
The Exchange also, being further from the fire, afterward
was more easily cleared ; and fell off from abaft.
As soon as GOD had put us out of danger, the fire got
into the Fore-castle [of the Carrack] ; where, I think, was
store of Benjamin \the gum Benzoin\ and such other like
combustible matter : for it flamed and ran all over the Car-
rack in an instant, in a manner. The Portugals leapt over-
board in great numbers.
Then sent I, Captain GRANT with the boat ; with leave to
use his own discretion in saving of them. So he brought
me aboard two Gentlemen :
The one, an old man, called NUNO VELIO Pereira which,
as appeareth by the P'ourth Chapter in the First Book of the
worthy History of [J AN] HUYGHEN VAN LiNSCHOTEN, was
Governor of Mozambique and Cefala \Sofald\ in the year
Capt. N. Downwn.j \Yhy THE PORTUGUESE DID NOT YIELD. 1 49
1582: and since that time, had been likewise a Governor in
a place of importance in the East Indies. And the ship
[a Carrack\ wherein he was coming home, was cast away a
little to the east of the Cape of Buona Speranza [Cape of
Good Hope] : and from thence, he travelled overland
to Mozambique ; and came, as a passenger, in this
Carrack.
The other was called BRAS Carrero, and [he] was Captain
of a Carrack which was cast away near Mozambique ; and
[he] came likewise in this ship for a passenger.
Also three men of the inferior sort we saved in our boat.
Only these two we clothed, and brought into England. The
rest, which were taken up by the other ships' boats, we set
all on shore in the Isle of Flores : except some two or three
Negroes ; whereof one was born in the Mozambique, and
another in the East Indies.
This fight was open off the Sound between Fayal and
Pico ; six leagues to the southward.
The people which we saved told us, That the cause why
they would not yield was because this Carrack was for the
King ; and that she had all the goods belonging to the King
in the country \Indid\ for that year in her ; and that the
Captain of her was in favour with the King ; and at his [next]
return into the Indies, should have been Viceroy there.
And withal this ship was nothing at all pestered ; neither
within board, nor without : and was more like a Ship of War
than otherwise. Moreover, she had the ordnance of a
Carrack that was cast away at Mozambique, and the [Ship's]
Company of her : together with the [Ship's] Company of
another Carrack that was cast away a little to the eastward
of the Cape of Buojia Speratiza. Yet through sickness,
which they caught at Angola, where they watered ; they
said. They had not now above 150 white men : but negroes,
a great many.
They likewise affirmed that they had three Noblemen aad
three Ladies in her : but we found them to differ in most of
their talk.
All this day [14th June 1594] and all the night she
burned : but, next morning, her powder, which was lowest,
1 50 Las Cinque Llagas^\.o^^ to pieces. [capt.N.Dowmon.
being 60 barrels, blew her abroad ; so that most of the ship
did swim in parts above the water.
Some of them say, That she was bigger than the Madre
de Dios ; and some, That she was less. But she was much
undermasted, and undersailed {carrying too little sail\ : yet
she went well for a ship that was so foul.
The shot which we [in the Samson] made at her in great
ordnance, before we lay her aboard, might be at seven bouts
[droadsides] which we had, and 6 or 7 shot at a bout, one
with another, some 49 shots. The time we lay aboard [the
Carrack] might be two hours. The shot which we dis-
charged [while] aboard the Carrack, might be [that of] some
24 sakers.
And thus much may suffice concerning our dangerous
conflict with that unfortunate Carrack.
The last of June [1594], after long traversing of the seas,
we had sight of another mighty Carrack ; which divers of
our Company, at the first, took to be the great Sa?i Philip,
the Admiral \or Flag Ship] of Spain ; but the next day,
being the ist of July [1594], fetching her up, we perceived
her indeed to be a Carrack : which, after some few shot
bestowed upon her, we summoned to yield ; but they, stand-
ing stoutly to their defence, utterly refused the same.
Wherefore, seeing no good could be done without board-
ing her, I consulted what course we should take in the
boarding. But by reason that we, which were the chief
Captains, were partly slain, and partly wounded, in the
former conflict ; and because of the murmuring of some
disordered and cowardly companions : our valiant and
resolute determinations were crossed. And, to conclude
a long discourse in few words, the Carrack escaped our
hands.
After this, attending about Corvo and Flores for some
West Indian purchase [booty], and being disappointed of
our expectation ; and victuals growing short, we returned
to England : where I arrived at Portsmouth, the 28th of
August [1594].
STRANGE AND
WONDERFUL THINGS
happened to Richard Hasleton,
born at Braintree in Essex,
in his Ten years Travels in many-
foreign countries.
PENNED AS HE DELIVERED
it from his own mouth.
*
^
LONDON,
Printed by A. I. [Abel Jeffes] for William Barley,
and are to be sold at his shop in Gratious
\Graccchurc]i\ street, near Leaden Hall.
1595.
[The following Text has been printed from the only extant copy
of the original edition, by the kind permission of WAKEFIELD
Christie-Miller, Esq. of Britwell Court, Bucks.]
151
To the Worshipful Master Richard Stapar^ one of
the Worshipful Company of Merchants Adventurers
of this honourahle city of London, trading to Turkey
and the Eastern Kingdoms.
Your Worship's faithful well-wilier W[illiam] Barley
wisheth all fortunate and happy success in all your
enterprises, with increase of worldly worship ;
and, after death, the joys unspeakable.
[OrSHIPFUL Sir. The many reports of your rare
virtues generally spoken of all honest travellers
who hath tasted the benefit of your bounty : not
I only in our home born country where you
have your residence ; but in those far countries where
your honest Factors trade. By whose worshipful and
express command given [to] them, and the good they daily
do for all men which seek them ; your Worship is accounted
and called the Pattern of Bounty : especially of such as are,
in their travail distressed with want ; which with money
are relieved, as well as [with] other great cost [that] their
\the Factors'^ favour or friendship can procure. So that
not only the poor and needy are pleasured thereby ; but
those that swim in most abundance. All proceeding of
your most kind and courteous disposition.
152 Epistle to Master Richard Stapers. [^^" ^Tjg^:
The remembrance of which [having] moved a longing
desire in me, in some sort, to explain your worthiness and
fame, by your bounty gained : it had never such opportunity
until this time when, perusing my store of Papers and
Writings of sundry men's labours, I chanced on this
pamphlet ; which importeth the troublesome travails of our
near neighbour, bom at Braintree in Essex, named RICHARD
Hasleton. Whose miseries as they were many (being in
the hands both of Christian and heathen enemies, for GOD
and our country's cause ; and his escapes from death so
often, and so wonderful) ; with the constant enduring of the
same : his preservation ; and safe return to England, where
his longing desire so often wished him.
All which considered, with your Worship's love to all
travellers, emboldened me the rather under your Worship's
patronage to publish the same ; especial zeal procuring me
thereunto. And partly in regard of your many favours to the
said Hasleton in his miseries extended ; [and partly] that
your Worship's good ensample may lighten others to such
good actions.
Hoping your Worship will accept of it no less friendly
than I offer it willingly : which if you do, then is my desire
satisfied, and myself rest bounden to your Worship's worthi-
ness. Ever beseeching the Giver of all good to increase the
number of such worthy-minded subjects ; by whom our
Prince and countr}^ are, in foreign parts, so much honoured.
Your Worship's
To command in what I may,
William Barley.
153
The miserable Captivity of Richard
Hasleton-, born at Braintree
in Essex,
N the year 1582, departing the English
coast toward[s] the end of May, in a ship
of London called the Mary Mar-ten (one
of the owners [of which] was a citizen of
London named Master Eastwoode ; the
other of them, named Master ESTRIDGE,
dwelling at Limehouse), being laden and
bound for Petrach [^Patras], a town of
mart, being within the dominion of the Turk : where we
safely arrived and made our mart.
And within eight and twenty days were laden homeward ;
and presently we weighed anchor, and set sail. And coming
out of the Gulf of Lepanto, [we] grounded upon a rock, lying
on the larboard side ; being in very great danger, [and] in
doubt to lose both ship and goods : yet it pleased GOD that
we recovered.
Then, about the midst of the month of July [1582],
we came right before Cape de Gatte [^Cabo de Gat a, riear
Almeria, m Spaifi] when, having a very small wind, we
descried two galleys : whereupon the Master commanded
the Gunner to put forth the ordnance, and to heave the skiff
overboard.
Then did the Gunner demand of the Master to make a
a shot : which he granted. Then did he bestow eight and
twenty shot, but to no purpose : for the enemy lay very far
out.
Now when we saw our shot and powder spent so much in
waste, some of our company cried to our Master to shew the
Turks' Letters : but he would not ; but commanded the
Gunner still to shoot.
For now the gallies were within shot, and did shoot at us,
154 Hasleton five years a galley slave. [^""^'^J"":
both with great shot and muskets. And presently both our
Gunners were slain, both with one shot ; and some others
maimed, whereby we were in great doubt : for the gallies
lying on both sides of us, one of them had shot us under
water, whereby our ship was foundered before we perceived.
Then we perceiving the ship to sink from us ; such as
were wariest leapt into the skiff, as many as it was able to
bear : the rest leaping overboard, such as could swim saved
themselves, going aboard the gallies ; the others were
drowned.
Now I being the last man upon the hatches, because I was
at the stern, and being sore hurt with a musket shot ; the
Turks [having] made haste to board our ship, hoping to save
some of our goods : two of them came aboard. The first
came to me, and took me by the bosom. I drew out my
knife very speedily, and thrust him into the body ; and so
slew him. The other was gone down into the ship, where I
left him ; for even then was the ship sinking from me.
Wherefore I betook myself to swimming ; and turning me
about to see the ship, I could see nothing thereof but only
the flag. Then did I swim to the gallies ; and laying hold
upon an oar, got into the galley.
When I was aboard, I was stripped of my clothes. Then
presently was I commanded to the poop, to talk with the
Captain : who inquired of me. Whether I was a Merchant
[i.e., tJie Supercargo of tJie ship'] ? Which because I would
not confess, he gave me 1 5 strokes with a cudgel, and then
put me in the galley's hold : where I was six days, takin,^
very little sustenance ; lying in extreme pains, by reason of
my hurts which I had received in the fight ; and with
anguish, for my hard hap.
About three months after [? October 1582], the gallies
returned to Argire [Algiers'] ; where immediately after my
landing I was sold for 66 doubles [the Double Pistoles or
Doubloons ; equal according to page 174 to £\, 1 4 J. then ; or
say ;i{^20 now].
Then did I fall into extreme sickness for ten days' space ;
notwithstanding [which] I was sent to sea by my Master to
whom I was sold, to labour in the gallies at an oar's end :
where I remained three months [ ? November 1582 to January
K. Hasleton.-| HaSLETON WRECKED ON FORMENTERA. I 55
1583], being very feeble and weak, by reason my sickness
continued the most part of that time ; yet was I constrained
either to labour, or else to lose my head. I had no other
choice.
Then the galHes returning home to Argire [Al^^iers], after
my coming on shore I was in a marvellous weakness ; what
with continual labour, with beating, and with sickness :
which endured three months [? Fedruary to April 1583],
being in a most miserable estate without all succour seeing
no man to pity my misery ; having no nourishment but only
bread and water and [of] that but small quantity, no apparel
on me but a thin shirt and a pair of linen breeches, and
lodged in a stable on the cold ground. Thus I, being almost
in despair ever to recover, yielded myself to the will of
Almighty GOD ; whom it pleased, in the end, to give me a
little strength.
And after, for the space of two \or ratJier four years] or
more {^ April 1583 to April 1587], I was divers times at my
labour at the oar's end, after my accustomed manner ; till
(such time our fleet of gallies meeting with the gallies of
Genoa near the Christian shore ; and they following us in
chase) it chanced, [about April 1587] by reason of tempest,
that our galley was cast away near the west side of the island
[of] Formentera.
There were in it, of Christians and Turks, to the number
of 250 ; which were all drowned except 15 : of which myself,
with two others, with great difficulty brake our chains ; and
taking hold of an oar, we escaped to the shore, not without
great danger of drowning.
We being now gotten to land, and accompanied both with
Turks and Christians ; we took our rest under bushes and
thickets. The Turks were very unwilling to depart with
{separate from'\ us ; thinking to find some other galley of the
company to take us aboard, and carry us back to Argire
lAlgiers\.
But we, hoping now to get our liberties, conveyed ourselves
as secretly as we could into the woods ; and went unto a
rock, and with sharp stones we did beat off our irons : and
fled immediately to the Christians, and yielded ourselves.
156 Hasleton is brought to Palma. [^'-"I'S:
But one of them which escaped with me, who was born in
Sclavony [? Slavonia], told them, That I was an English
Lutheran.
Then was I presently carried aboard a galley of Genoa,
and put in chains.
And, upon the morrow, was I sent over into the Isle of
Iviza, being within the jurisdiction of Majorca : which are all
in the dominion of Spain.
There was I imprisoned in the High Tower of the Town
Castle [of the town of Iviza], with a pair of bolts upon my
heels, and a clasp of iron about my neck, there hanging a
chain at the clasp : where I remained nine days, fed with a
little bread and water.
Now because I had in no respect offended them ; I
demanded. Wherefore they molested me ? saying, It was
contrary to [the] law and the profession of Christians.
Then did they ask me, If I had spoken anything against
the King, and against the Church of Rome ?
I answered, " Nothing ! "
Then they told me, I should be sent to Majorca, to answer
before the Inquisition.
Then the Justice, or Chief Officer, of Iviza brought me
back to Genoa ; requesting to have me chained in a galley :
which the Captain did, asking the Justice, Who should be my
surety for running away ?
He demanded, If there were not a spare chain ?
He said, " Yes." Then he commanded a chain to be brought
forth ; and chained me at the -sixth oar before : where I
rowed until we came to the Port of Spine [later called
Portpin ; noiv the Bay of Palma] in Majorca, guarding me
with 14 gal lies.
Then were the Officers of the Inquisition sent for by the
Captain, which came the second day after our coming there
[?>., to Palma'] : and at their coming, they offered me the
Pax, which I refused to touch.
Whereupon they reviled me, and called me " Lutheran ! "
[And] taking me presently out of the galley, carried me
R. HasIeton.-| HaSLETON TRIED IN THE InQUISITON. I57
on shore in Majorca : and finding the Inquisitor walking in
the market place, [they] presented me to him, saying, " Here
is the prisoner ! "
He immediately commanded me to prison ; whither they
carried me, and put a pair of shackles on my heels. Where I
remained two days.
Then was I brought forth into a church, where the
Inquisitor sat usually in judgement. Who being ready set,
commanded me to kneel down and to do homage to certain
images which were before me.
I told him, " I would not do that which I knew to be
contrary to the commandments of Almighty God ; neither
had I been brought up in the Roman law, neither would I
submit myself to it."
He asked me, Why I would not ?
I answered, " That whereas in England, where I was born
and brought up, the Gospel was truly preached ; and main-
tained by a most gracious Princess : therefore I would not
now commit idolatry, which is utterly condemned by the
Word of God."
Then he charged me to utter the truth, otherwise I should
abide the smart.
Then was a stool set, and he commanded me to sit down
before him ; and offered me the cross, bidding me reverently
to lay my hand upon it, and urged me instantly to do it :
which moved me so much, that I did spit in the Inquisitor's
face ; for which the Scribe gave me a good buffet on the face.
So, for that time, we had no more reasoning. For the
Inquisitor did ring a little bell to call the Keeper ; and [he]
carried me to ward again.
And the third day, I was brought forth again to the place
aforesaid.
Then the Inquisitor asked me, What I had seen in the
churches of England ?
I answered. That I had seen nothing in the Church of
England but the Word of God truly preached.
Then he demanded. How I had received the Sacraments ?
I replied, That I had received them according to the
institution of CHRIST : that is, I received the bread in
158 Hasleton threatened with death. P
Hasleton.
remembrance that CHRIST in the flesh died upon the cross
for the redemption of man.
" How," said he, " hast thou received the wine? "
Whereto I repHed and said, That I received the wine in
remembrance that Christ shed his blood to wash away our
sins.
He said, It was in their manner?
I said, " No."
Then he charged me to speak the truth, or I should die
for it.
I told him, " 1 did speak the truth ; and would speak the
truth: for," said I, "it is better for me to die guiltless than
guilty."
Then did he, with great vehemency, charge me again to
speak the truth ; and sware by the Catholic Church of Rome,
that if I did not, I should die in fire.
Then I said, " If I died in the faith which I had confessed,
I should die guiltless : " and told him he had made a vain
oath. And so I willed him to use no circumstance to
dissuade me from the truth : " for you cannot prevail.
Though I be now in your hands, where you have power over
my body ; yet have you no power over my soul." I told him,
he made a long matter far from the truth.
For which, he said I should die.
Then he bade me say what I could to save myself.
Where I replied, as followeth : Touching the manner of
the receiving of Sacraments, where he said " it was like to
theirs": "you," said I, "when you receive the bread, say it
is the very body of CHRIST ; and likewise you affirm the
wine to be his very blood." Which I denied ; saying it was
impossible for a mortal man to eat the material body of
Christ, or to drink his blood.
Then he said, I had blasphemed the Catholic Church.
I answered, That I had said nothing against the true
Catholic Church ; but altogether against the false Church.
He asked, How I could prove it ? saying if I could not
prove it, I should die a most cruel death.
Note, by the way, that when any man is in durance for
religion ; he is called to answer before no open assembly :
but only in the presence of the Inquisitor, the Secretary, and
^■"^?i593'] Hasleton shall tell another tale ! 159
the Solicitor whom they term the Broker. The cause is, as
I take it, because they doubt [fear] that very many of their
own people would confess the Gospel, if they did but see and
understand their absurd dealing.
Again, to the matter. Because it was so secret, they
urged me to speak the more.
Then he inquired, Whether I had ever been confessed ?
I said, " Yes."
He demanded, " To whom ? "
I said, "To GOD."
He asked me, If I had ever confessed to any Friar?
I said, " No, for I do utterly defy them. For how can he
forgive me my sins, which is himself a sinner ; as all other
men are."
" Yes," said he, " he which confesseth himself to a Friar,
who is a Father, may have remission of his sins by his
mediation."
" Which," I said, " I would never believe."
Wherefore seeing they could seduce me, by no means,
to yield to their abominable idolatry ; the Secretary cried,
" Away with him ! " The Inquisitor and he frowned very
angerly on me for the answers which I had given : and said.
They would make me tell another tale.
So, at the ringing of a little bell, the Keeper came and
carried me to ward again.
At my first Examination, when the Keeper should lead
me away ; the Inquisitor did bless me with the cross : but
never after.
Two days after was I brought again, and set upon a stool
before the Inquisitor.
He bade me ask viisericordium.
I told him, " I would crave mercy of Jesus Christ who
died for my sins. Other misericordium would I crave
none ! "
Then he commanded me to kneel before the altar.
I said, " I would : but not to pray to any image. For
your altar is adorned with many painted images which were
fashioned by the hands of sinful men : which have mouths,
and speak not ; ears, and hear not ; noses, and smell not ;
II. l 5
i6o Christians more cruel than Turks, [^-"^nsg";
hands, and handle not ; feet have they, and walk not —
which GOD doth not allow at his altar, for he hath utterly-
condemned them by his Word."
Then he said, I had been wrong[ly] taught. " For," said
he, " whosoever shall see these figures in earth may the
better remember him in heaven whose likeness it doth
represent, who would be a Mediator to GOD for us."
But I replied. That all images were an abomination to
the Lord : for he hath condemned them in express words
by his own mouth, saying, " Thou shalt not make thyself any
graven image, &c."
" Yes," said he, " but we have need of a Mediator to make
intercession for us : for we are unworthy to pray to GOD
ourselves, because we are vile sinners."
I said, "There was no Mediator but jESUS CllRIST."
Where, after many absurd reasons and vain persuasions,
he took a pause.
Then I asked him. Why he kept me so long in prison,
which never committed offence to them : knowing very well
that I had been captive in Argire [A/Tiers'] near[ly] five
years space [/u/y 1582 /o April 1587] : saying, "That when
GOD, by his merciful providence, had, through many great
dangers, set me in a Christian country, and delivered me
from the cruelty of the Turks : when I thought to find such
favour as one Christian oweth to another, I found them now
more cruel than the Turks, not knowing any cause Why."
" The cause," said he, " is because the King hath wars
with the Queen of England."
For at that instant \_April 1587], there was their Army
[^Armado] prepared ready to go for England. Whereupon
they would, divers times, give me reproachful words ; saying.
That I should hear shortly of their arrival in England. With
innumerable vain brags, which I omit for brevity.
Then did I demand, "If there were not peace between the
King and the Queen's Majesty ; whether they would keep
me still ? "
" Yea," said he, " unless thou wilt submit thyself to the
faith of the Romish Church." So he commanded me away.
I asked. Wherefore he sent for me ; and to send me away,
not alleging any matter against me ?
K. Hasleton.-| ^ YEAR AT THE BOTTOM OF A DRY WELL. l6l
He said, I should have no other matter alleged but that
which I had spoken with mine own mouth.
Then I demanded, " Why they would have the Romish
Church to have the supremacy ? "
Whereto he would make no answer.
Then I asked, "If they took me to be a Christian ? "
" Yes," said he, " in some respect[s] ; but you are out of
the faith of the true Church."
Then the Keeper took me to prison again.
And after, for the space of three weeks, I was brought
forth to answer three several times every week. At which
times they did sometimes threaten me with death, some
while with punishment ; and many times they attempted to
seduce me with fair words and promises of great preferment :
but when they saw nothing would draw me from the Truth,
they called me " shameless Lutheran ! " saying many times,
" See, he is of the very blood of Luther ! He hath his
very countenance ! " with many other frivolous speeches.
After all this, he commanded to put me in the dungeon
within the Castle [z.e. of Palma\ five fathoms \^ofeei\ under
ground ; giving me, once a day, a little bread and water.
There remained I one whole year \April 1587 to April
1588], lying on the bare ground, seeing neither sun nor
moon ; no, not hearing man woman nor child speak, but
only the Keeper which brought my small victual.
It happened about the year's end, upon the Feast of
Phillip and Jacob \^James\ being the first day of May
[1588], that a pretty boy, being the Keeper's son, came to
give me my ordinary food ; which he used sometimes to do.
Now, when he opened the [trap] door, and had let down
the basket ; I asked, " Who was there ? "
He answered by his name, saying, " Here is MATTHEW ! "
I asked him, " Where his father was ? "
" He is gone to Mass," said he. So he let down the trap
door, and went his way ; leaving the rope with the basket
hanging still. ,
1 62 Hasleton cannot get out of Palma. [
R. Hasleton.
? 1593-
And forasmuch as I lay without all comfort, reposing
myself only unto GOD'S Providence ; yet unwilling to lose
any opportunity that lay in me, if GOD were pleased,
whereby I might be delivered. So soon as I heard the boy
was gone : I jumped up and took hold of the rope, and
wound myself up to the [trap] door. Setting my foot
against the wall, with my shoulders did I lift the trap door.
Now when I was aloft, and saw no man ; for they were
gone to see some ceremonies of their idolatrous exercises in
the city, I knew [of] no way to escape away ; being now in
the midst of the way : wherefore it was impossible to convey
myself [away] so secretly, but I should be espied.
Wherefore, for a present shift, I went secretly into a void
[afz ernpty'\ room of the Castle \i.e. of Pabnd\ where lay great
store of lime and earth : where I tied an old cloth, which I
had, about my head and face to keep the dust out of vcy
eyes and ears ; and so did I creep into the lime, and covered
myself so well as I could, lying there till towards midnight.
And then hearing no man stirring, I got up, and sought
some way to get forth : but could find none. Then, being
greatly perplexed, I bent myself to the good pleasure of
Almighty GOD ; making my humble prayers that he would,
of his mercy, vouchsafe to deliver me out of this miserable
thraldom.
And, searching to and fro, in the end I came where three
great horses stood, tied by the head and feet. Then did I
unloose the halters from their heads, and the ropes from
their legs ; and went to the Castle wall. When I had tied
them end to end, I made it \tJie rope] fast to the body of a
vine which grew upon the wall : and by it did I strike
myself over the wall into the town ditch : where I was
constrained to swim about forty paces, before I could get
forth of the ditch.
Then walked I to and fro in the city [Palind] two hourSj
seeing no man : neither could I devise any way forth.
Wherefore I returned back again to the town ditch, to see
if I could find any way to bring me without the town walls :
and following the ditch, at the last I perceived, by the noise
of the water, that there was a Water Gate through the wall ;
where I searched and found that the issue of the water was
under the wall.
'fjgg'] ^E DIVES UNDER THE WaTER GaTE. 1 63
Then did I very venturously enter the water, and diving
under water got into the Water Gate : and suddenly the
force of the water did drive me through with such violence,
that it cast me headlong against another wall on the outside ;
which with the blow did much amaze me.
Yet, by the help of GOD, I recovered, swimming down
the ditch till I came where was a trough or pipe ; which I
took to be laid over the ditch, to convey some fresh water
spring into the city.
There did I climb up a post which bare the same, and got
upon the top of the pipe : where some of the Watch, being
near the wall, perceived me ; but could not any way come
near to me.
Then cried they, in their tongue, " Who is there ? " three
or four times ; but I made no answer, but crept as fast as I
could to get off the pipe to land : where, before I could get
down, they shot some of their muskets after me ; but,
thanked be GOD, none of the shot did hit me.
Thus, with great difficulty, I escaped out of the city ; and
went about six miles from thence before the day brake.
Then I went into a thick wood. For I perceived there
were very many sent forth, with hue and cry, both footmen
and horsemen, to apprehend me. Therefore I lay still the
day and night following.
And after, for seven days' space [yd-gth May 1588], I
wandered through desert ways, among woods and bushes.
Many times, as 1 came near the Port ways [i.e. the roads to
the seaport Palma\ I heard the pursuers inquiring after me ;
demanding of divers. Whether they had seen me pass ?
Some were very earnest to take me ; others wishing that I
might escape : for very many times I was so near them that
I heard every word they spake.
Thus I imagined, by all possible means, to avoid [escape
front] the hands of these unmerciful tyrants ; being in great
extremity with hunger and cold. For since the time I came
out of the prison, which was at the least eight days, I had
none other sustenance but berries, which I gathered from
the bushes ; and the roots of palm [trees] and other like
roots, which I digged out of the earth : and no other apparel
but an old linen cloth about my body, and a red cap on my
164 Hasleton's ten days in the woods, [^""fijg":
head ; without either hose, shoes, or other furniture. So
that, by reason the way was very hard, I was forced to cut
my cap in two ; and [to] lap it about my feet, to defend
them from the sharp stones and gravel.
Thus travelling for the most part by night, I chanced to
come where there was a house standing alone ; and near the
house there stood a cart wherein lay certain horse collars.
Where searching among them, I found the collars lined
with sheepskins : which skins I rent from the collars, and
apparelled myself with them in this manner :
I put one piece before me like a breastplate, and another
on my shoulders and back ; with the woolly side towards
my body : tying them together over my shoulders and under
my arms with Palmite, which is a weed like to that whereof
our hand baskets are made ; which is well known to such as
have travelled [in] those parts. And with another piece I
made me a cap.
And in these seemly ornaments I passed forth, till about
three days after [? I2t/i May 1588], very early in a morning,
most unhappily 1 crossed an highway, where a countryman,
travelling with a mule laden with rundlets of wine, espied
me, and demanded of me, Whither I was bound ?
I said, I was going to Coothea \_Alcudia, 31 miles from
Palma\ which is a town lying on the shore side.
But he, suspecting me to be the man which was pursued,
bade me stay.
But I went onward.
He ran after me, and threw stones at me : but I (not
being able to overrun him, being very feeble) turned back ;
and, with a pole which I carried, began to defend m}'self,
striking at him three or four times. At the last I thrust
at him, and hit him on the breast, and overthrew him:
whereupon he made a horrible cry.
And immediately there came to the number of fifteen
more : some having swords ; some, harquebuses ; and others,
crossbows. When I was thus beset, knowing no way to
escape, I yielded myself.
Then they bound me hands and feet, laid me on a
mule, and carried me back again to \Palvid\ the city of
Majorca ; delivering me to the Inquisitor : who, when he had
R. Hasieton.-| Hasleton IN THE Place of Torment. 165
sent me to prison, commanded a pair of bolts to be put
on my legs, and an iron clasp about my neck, with a
chain of five fathoms [30 feet\ long hanging thereat ; which
was done accordingly.
And on the morrow [? i^^th May 1588], I was brought
forth to the accustomed place, and in the same manner:
where the Inquisitor sitting, asked first, Why I had broken
prison, and run away ?
I said, " To save my life."
" Yea," said he, " but now thou hast offended the law
more than before ; and therefore shall the law be now
executed upon thee."
Then I was carried away again. And immediately there
was called an assembly of citizens, and such as were seen
in the Law, to counsel, and to take advice. What punish-
ment they might inflict upon me ?
Which being deliberated, 1 was brought forth again ;
and carried to the Place of Torment : which was in a
cell or vault underground.
There were present but four persons, that is to say.
The Inquisitor,
The Solicitor, or Broker, who is to see the law executed.
A Dutch woman that dwelt in the city ; who was
commanded thither to tell them what I spake ; because
I spake many times in the Dutch tongue.
And lastly, the Tormentor.
The rack now standing ready before them ; with seven
flaxen ropes lying thereon, newfly] bought from the market.
Then the Inquisitor charged me, as at all other times
he used to do, That I should speak what I had to say,
and to speak the truth ; otherwise I should be even now
tormented to death.
I, seeing myself in the hands of such cruel tyrants as
always thirst after the blood of the innocent ; even as Cain
(who being wroth with his brother Abel, and carrying
a heavy countenance) could be no way eased but with his
brother's blood: so I, past hope of life, turned my back towards
them, and seeing my torments present before me, I fell
down on my knees, and besought the Lord to forgive my
sins, and to strengthen my faith, and to grant me patience
to endure to the end.
1 66 Savage CRUELTY OF THE Inquisition, [^-"^ffsg":
Then they took me into a void room, and stripped me
out of my ornaments of sheepskins which I repeated \spoke
of] before ; and put a pair of strong canvas breeches upon me.
Then bringing me to the rack again, he commanded
me to He down. The bars of the rack under me were as
sharp as the back of a knife.
Now I, wilHngly yielding myself, lay down. Then the
Tormentor bound my hands over my breast crosswise ;
and my legs clasped up together, were fast tied the one
foot to the other knee. Then he fastened to either arm
a cord, about the brawn of the arm ; and likewise to either
thigh another ; which were all made fast again under the
rack to the bars : and with another cord he bound down
my head ; and [he] put a hollow cane into my mouth.
Then he put four cudgels into the ropes which were fastened
to my arms and thighs.
Now the woman which was present, being interpreter,
began to persuade me to yield, and confess the faith of
the Church of Rome.
I answered, " If it were the will of GOD that I should
end my life under their cruel hands, I must be content :
but, if it please him, he is able to deliver me, if there were
ten thousands against me."
Then the Tormentor, as he was commanded, began to
wrest the ropes ; which he did by little and little, to augment
my pains, and to have them endure the longer : but, in
the end, he drew them with such violence as though he
would have plucked my four quarters in sunder ; and there
stayed a good space.
Yet to declare their tyrannical malice, thinking my
torment not sufficient, he added more : pouring water
through a cane which was in my mouth, by little and little,
which I was constrained either to let down, or to have
my breath stopped until they had tunned in such [a]
quantity as was not tolerable to endure ; which pained
me extremely.
Yet not satisfied, they took and wet a linen cloth, and
laid it over my mouth till I was almost strangled ; when
my body, being thus overcharged with such abundance
of water, after they had thus stopped my breath with the
wet cloth, suddenly with the force of my breath and that
"Farewell wife, children, and England!" 167
my stomach was so much overcharged, the water gushed
out, and bare away the cloth as if had been the force of
a conduit spout.
When the Inquisitor saw that all this would not make
me yield, he commanded the Tormentor for to wind the
cord on my left arm more strait[ly] ; which put me
to horrible pains. And immediately the rope burst in
sunder.
Then said the Inquisitor, " Yea, is he so strong ? I will
make him yield!": and commanded the Tormentor to
put a new rope.
Then the woman again bade me yield ; saying, It were
better to yield than to die so miserable a death.
But I, beseeching Almighty GOD to ease me of my pains,
and to forgive my sins, answered her, That though they
had power over my body : yet there was no torment should
compel me to yield to their idolatry, whereby I might
bring my soul in danger of hell fire.
Then the Inquisitor asked her. What I said ?
She answered. That I had said I would never submit
myself to the Church of Rome.
Then did he most vehemently charge me to yield and
submit myself to the Romish Church : otherwise he would
pluck off one of my arms.
Whereupon I denying still, the Tormentor, in most
cruel manner, wrested the ropes as if he would have rent
my body in sunder. I (being now in intollerable pains ;
and looking for nothing but present [msiant] death) cried
out, in the extremity of my anguish, " Now, farewell wife
and children ! and farewell England !": and so, not able to
utter one word more, lay even senseless.
The Inquisitor asked the woman again. What I said ?
She laid her hand upon my head, and perceiving that
I was speechless, told him, I was dead.
Wherefore the Tormentor loosed the ropes, unbound
my hands and feet, and carried me into a chamber which
they termed St. Walter's Chamber. Where I came to
myself, and received some sense and reason ; but could have
no feeling of any limb or joint. Thus I lay n a most
lamentable and pitiful manner for five days[? 14/7^-18^/^ May
1588], having a continual issue of blood and water forth of
1 68 Hasleton whipped all through Palma. [^- "•''j''
Hasleton.
593-
my mouth all that space, and being so feeble and weak, by
reason of my torments, that I could take no sustenance.
Till the sixth day [? igth May 1588] a little recovering
my strength, they gave me a little quantity of bread and
wine sod[den] together : and presently, the very same day,
they carried me forth into the city, and set me upon an ass's
back, and whipped me throughout every street of [Palnid]
the city of Majorca ; giving me to the number of five
hundred lashes, which made the blood to run down my
miserable carcase in such abundance that it dropped at the
belly of the ass to the ground. Now there were carried with
me about the city very many harlots and whores and other
malefactors which had offended the law ; but none punished
like me.
After this, they carried me to the chamber \_St. Walters
Chamber] from whence I came : where I lay without all
worldly comfort.
Can any man, which understandeth the absurd blindness
and wilful ignorance of these Spanish tyrants or Romish
monsters, think them to be of the true Church ? which
defend their faith with fire, sword, and hellish torments,
without remorse or pity ; as you may perceive by a manifest
trial here set down to the open view of the World. For
when these hell-hounds had tormented this miserable
creature, as you have heard, with a monstrous and most
unchristian kind of torment : which he endured for the space
of three hours, till [he] was at the very point of death and
ready to yield up the ghost : they (not yet satisfied with
these torments, which he had suffered already) reserved his
life, minding to increase his pains ; which they were nothing
slack to perform so long as he remained in their power.
Now the second night after they had whipped me about
the city as aforesaid [? the night of the 20th May 1588],
about midnight, I recounting to myself in what misery I
both did and had remained ; I thought to put in practice
once again to get my liberty, craving of the Lord, with
hearty prayer, to assist me with his mighty hand.
'^^ ""'fisw'] Hasleton again gets out of Palm a. 169
And immediately searching about, I found an old iron
stub ; with the which I brake a hole through the chamber
wall : and crept through into another chamber ; where I
felt in the dark many pieces of plate, which I little regarded.
After, I found many towels and table napkins.
Then, seeking further, I found a long cane whereon there
hung many puddings and sausages. I plucked down the
cane, but had little mind on the victual. Then I found
certain knives.
Then I espied some light at a great window in a garret
or loft over me. Wherefore I tied a crooked knife to the
cane, and thrust up a long towel : and with the knife at
the end of the cane, I drew the towel about a bar of
the window, and drew it to me : and with that towel I did
climb up into the window. But then I could not get forth
between the bars, wherefore I digged forth one of the bars ;
and tied my towels and napkins together end to end, and
fastened one end to a bar of the window : and then did
slide down by them till I came within three or four fathoms
[18 or 24 feet\ of the ground : when the towels brake in
sunder, and I fell down into a well which was direct[ly]
under me, where I was almost drowned. Yet it pleased
GOD to deliver me.
And being then in the city, without the Castle walls ;
I, knowing no other way to get out, went again to the
town ditch : where I got through the Water Gate with less
peril than before, by reason there was less water than [there]
was the other time.
Then went I, with all speed into the woods ; lying all
days in [the] woods as close as 1 could, and travelled by
nights through woods and mountains.
And upon the third night \i.e. after his escape, say tJie
night of the 2'^rd May 1588], about midnight, 1 happened
into an olive garden, not above half a bow shot from the
sea-side ; in which garden I found a little skiff or boat
lying under a pomgranate tree : and there lay in the boat a
hatchet. All which served happily for my delivery.
Now I, being unable to carry the boat to the water-side,
did cut small truncheons of wood ; and upon them did
slide it down to the water-side. Then I cut an arm \a
lyo Escapes in a boat to Bougiah Bay. [^" "''ff593.
dranc/i] of an olive tree, to make my boat a mast ; and,
having no other shift, made a sail-cloth with my breeches
and a piece of [a] mantle which I had about me. And
for [decm/se] my oars were very mean, yet durst 1 stay to
look for no better, but presently set sail ; and, yielding
myself to the good pleasure of Almighty GOD, betook
myself to the sea : willing rather to abide what the Lord
would lay on me, than to die among these most cruel tyrants.
And by the providence of GOD, upon the second day
[? 2$i(/i May 1588], in the forenoon, I descried the Coast
of Barbary : for the wind stood north-east [or rather north-
west], which served me most happily.
Understand that this cut is, from shore to shore \tJiat is,
from some point in Majorca to the east side of the Bay of
Bougiah'] 1 50 [or rather 70] leagues, which is 450 [or, at most,
say 210] English miles ; and at that time [there was] a
very rough sea ; insomuch if it had not been by the great
and wonderful power of GOD, my vessel and I had both
been overwhelmed.
But I fell in with the country of Cabyles [i.e., the Little
Kabylia, in the present Province of Co7istantine\, commonly
called the King of Cookooe's land, near a town called Gigeley
[the present fijelli\\ where I went on shore, leaving my boat
to swim which way the wind and weather would conduct it ;
thinking it had done me sufficient service.
But see now, when I had escaped through the surges of
the sea from the cruelty of the Spaniard, I was no sooner
landed and entered the mountains but I was espied by the
Moors which inhabit the country ; who pursued very
earnestly to take me ; supposing me to be come from the
Christian shore to rob in their coast.
For, many times, the Spaniards will pass over in some
small vessel, and go on shore ; and if they can catch
any men of the country, they will carry them away
to make galley slaves : wherefore the Moors are very
diligent to pursue them at their landing ; and if it
chance they take any Christian, they use him in like sort.
Wherefore I, being very unwilling to fall into their hands,
was constrained to go into a river, which ran between two
R. Hasle^on.-J ^^^ CHARITY OF A GOOD OLD MoOR. I7I
mountains ; and there to stand in water up to the chin,
where the bushes and trees did grow most thick over me: where
I stood certain hours, until they had left searching for me.
Now when I perceived they were departed, I went out
of the water, being very feeble ; for I ate nothing all that
time but the bark of the trees, which I cut with my hatchet.
I went forth as secretly as I could, minding to pass to
Argire [Algiers].
I had not gone above three miles, when I espied a Moor,
a very well favoured old man, who was weeding a field of
wheat.
I spake to him in the tongue of Franke [The Lingua
Franca of the Mediterraneati shore]^ and called him to me.
I, having my hatchet in my hand, cast it from me.
He came unto me ; and, taking me by the hand,
demanded very gently, What I would have ?
I, perceiving that he did, even at the first sight, pity
my poor and miserable estate, told him all things that
had happened unto me : how I was an Englishman ; how
I had been captive in Argire ; how I chanced to come to
Genoa ; their sending me to Majorca ; and all the torment
which I had suffered there ; and finally my escape from
thence, with all the rest that followed.
This good aged father, when he had heard of my lament-
able discourse, shewing himself rather a Christian The charitable
than a man brought up among the Turkish ^i"pie°lid
Mahometists, greatly pitied my misery ; and n^^"-
forthwith led me home to his house, and caused such
victuals as the country yieldeth to be set before me, which
was dried wheat and honey : and baked a cake upon the
fire hearth, and fried it with butter ; which I thought very
good meat, for I had not been at the like banquet in six
years before [i 582-1 588] ; the good father shewing me what
comfort he could.
There I remained four and twenty hours. In the mean-
time the Moors which dwelt in the villages by, „, ,,
, , . - , . , ° -" ' 1 he old man
understandmg 01 my bemg there, came; and, stoi pitied him
calling me forth, inquired of me, What I was ? fa"/ in'him^to'
From whence I came ? and Whither I would .-' : ^^^^'^^'^ i^™-
and, with great vehemency, charged their weapons against
172 Hasleton is again made a prisoner. [^'""^^5°^
my breast ; insomuch that I thought they would verily have
slain me. But mine host, that good old man, came
forth and answered for me ; and so dissuaded them
from doing me any harm : and took me back again into
his house.
This being past, I requested him to help me to a guide
to conduct me to Argire : and he presently provided two,
whereof the one was his son ; to whom I promised to give
four crowns for their pains.
So taking my leave of my good host, we took our way
towards Argire.
When we had not passed above 24 miles on the way, we
chanced to meet a Gentleman of that country who was, as
it were, Purveyor to the King ; and went about the country
to take up corn and grain for the King's provision.
He, meeting us upon the way, asked Whither we were
travelling ?
My guides answered. That we were going to Argire.
He asked, What had we to do there ?
They said to deliver me there.
Then he demanded. What I was ?
They told him, I was an Englishman that came from the
Christian shore, and was bound towards Argire.
Then did this Gentleman take me from them, sending
them back from whence they came ; but compelled me to
go with him to village by, and very earnestly persuaded me
to turn Moor : promising, if I would, he would be a mean[s]
to prefer me greatly ; which I still denied.
Then, upon the next day, he carried me further, to a
town called Tamgote [ ? Taingout], and delivered me to a
Nobleman of great authority with the King : which was
Lieutenant-General for the wars. For this King of Cookooe
holdeth continual war with the King of Argire ; although
they be both subject to the Great Turk.
I was no sooner brought before this Nobleman, but he
demanded. Whether I would turn ]\Ioor ?
I answered, That I would not.
Wherefore immediately he commanded a pair of shackles
to be put on my heels ; and a clasp of iron about my neck,
with a chain thereat
R. HasletonJ KiNG OF THE KaBYLES examines HIM. I 73
Then was I set on a mule, and conveyed to Cookooe, [also
spelt, in maps later than this 7iarrative, Couco or Cocou. //
was not far from the left bank of the river Sahel, that falls into
the Bay of Bougiah, ? the present Akbou], where the King lay.
When I was come thither, I was presently brought before
the King : who inquired, What I was ? and, From whence I
came ? and What my pretence was ?
I answered, That I was an Englishman ; and that I came
from the Christian shore, intending to pass to Argire.
Then he asked me, What I could do .-*
I told him I could do nothing.
Then he demanded, Whether I were a Gunner .'' Gunners are in
T c:3irl "Nn" great estima-
1 Saia, i>0. tionwith
Then he persuaded me very instantly to yield to 'hem.
their religion, offering to prefer me.
Wherefore I desired him to give me liberty to depart : " for
my desire is to be in England, with my wife and children."
" Yea," said he, " but how wilt thou come there ?"
For they minded to keep me still : and evermore the King
assayed to seduce me with promises of great preferment,
saying, If I would serve him and turn Moor : I should want
nothing.
But on the contrary, I besought him to give me liberty to
go to Argire ; where I was in hope to be delivered, and sent
home to mine own country.
Now he, seeing he could win me by no gentle means,
commanded me to prison ; saying. That he would either
make me yield and turn Moor : or else I should die in
captivity.
In this while that I remained in prison ; divers of the
King's House came to me, persuading me to yield to the
King's demand : alleging how hardly the King might use
me, being now in his power, unable to escape ; and again
how bountifully the King would deal with me, if I would
submit myself.
Within a little time after, it happened there was great
preparation to receive the King of Abbesse [? the present
tribe of the Beni- Abbas, or Beni- Abbes'], whose country
adjoineth to the King of Cookooe's land : and [they] are in
174 The Queen tries to persuade him. [^- ""^/isg";
league together, and join their armies in one against the
King of Argire.
Now, at his coming, I was fetched forth of prison,
These men are ^"^ Commanded to charge certain pieces of ord-
p°'^ing expert nancc, which were three Sacres and two Minions
of Brass [a Minion weighed iioo lbs.]; which I
refused not to do, trusting thereby to get some Hberty.
Wherefore, at the coming of the King of Abbesse into the
town, I discharged the ordnance as Hked them very well :
for they are not very expert in that exercise. For which I
had some more liberty than before.
This King of Abbesse tarrying some certain time there, in
consulting with the King of Cookooe for matters touching
the Wars with Argire ; and understanding of me, sent for
me, being very desirous to talk with me : where, after certain
questions he desired of the other King, that he might buy
me ; which he would not grant.
Then the King of the Cabyles [^Kabyles] or Cookooe per-
ve man suadcd mc very seriously to serve him wil[ling]ly,
offers of prefer- aud to tum Moor : and offered to give me 700
mrfrom l\^ Doublcs [? the Double Pistoles, or Doubloons'] by
Word of GOD. ^YiQ year, which amounteth to the sum of ;^50
[— ;^200 now] of English money; and moreover to give me
by the day, 30 Aspers, which are worth twelve pence
English, to find me meat ; and likewise to give me a house,
and land sufficient to sow a hundred bushels of grain yearly,
and two Plow of oxen furnished, to till the same ; also to
furnish me with horse, musket, sword, and other necessaries,
such as they of that country use. And lastly he offered to
give me a wife, which they esteemed the greatest matter ;
for all buy their wives at a great price. Yea, if there were
any in his Court could content me, I should make my
choice : but if there were not ; he would provide one to my
contentment, whatsoever it should cost him.
But when he perceived all he said was in vain, he sent the
Queen and her gentlewomen to talk with me. When she
came, she very courteously entreated me to turn and serve
the King, and to consider well what a large offer the king
had made ; saying. That I was much unlike to come to any
like preferment in my country. And many times she would
^■"^?i593-] Hasleton builds the King a house. 175
shew me her gentlewomen, and ask me, If none of them
could please me ?
But I told her, I had a wife in mine own country, to whom
I had vowed my faith before GOD and the World : " which
vow," I said, " I would never break while we both lived."
Then she said. She could but marvel what she should be
whom I esteemed so much as to refuse such offers of prefer-
ment, for her sake ; being now where 1 must remain in
captivity and slavery all the days of my life. But when she
could prevail no way with me ; when she had uttered these
foresaid speeches, and many others which were frivolous to
rehearse, she left me. Yet, by her means, I had more
liberty than before.
After this, I was set to saw boards and planks ; and was
commanded to make a carriage for a piece of ordnance.
Thus they compelled me to labour daily : which I did the
more willingly, because I hoped still to get my liberty
thereby in the end.
Then they willed me to shew the fashion of our edge tools,
after the English [manner] : which when they saw the
fashion ; their smiths wrought them very artificially, and
gave them very good temper. For these things I was had
in more estimation ; insomuch that they took off my irons,
and let me walk abroad with a Keeper.
Then was I commanded by the King to teach the
Carpenters to frame a house after the manner of j ^^^ ^^^^
English building : and for that purpose there were Master of
sent forth Carpenters and workmen with me to iThldsmdr'
the woods, to fall timber ; all which were to do ^'^"'
what I appointed, upon the King's commandment. Now I,
being Chief Master of the work, appointed out the trees
which were very special good timber. In small time, we
had finished our frame ; which liked the King very well.
By this means I had more liberty than before ; and was very
well intreated.
Yet I was greatly grieved in mind that I could not procure
any means for my liberty ; although at that time, I wanted
few necessaries. Yet was I daily devising how I might
escape away, for three special causes :
li. M 5
176 HaSLETON ESCAPES ; BUT IS CAUGHT. P' "^''IJ93:
One was for the special care I had of my salvation :
because, as you have heard, there were many tempta-
tions laid before me to draw me from a Christian to be
an abominable idolator.
The second cause was for the love and dutiful alle-
giance which I owe to my Prince [Soveretg-n] and
natural country.
The third was the regard of the vow which I vowed
in matrimony ; and the care of my poore wife and
children.
Which causes moved me so much that whereas, by reason
of my diligence in these foresaid matters, I [was] walking
abroad with my Keeper who, not suspecting me, was not so
attentive as before he had been : so soon as our frame was
finished, I took opportunity ; and, shewing them a clean
pair of heels, took my way over the mountains intending to
go for Argire \tvhich was in a north-westerly direction^
But presently there was a great store of men, both on
horseback and on foot : who, being more perfect in the way
than I was, quickly overtook me ; and carried me back
again to Cookooe.
I was presently brought before the King ; who asked me
Why I ran away ?
I told him. To have liberty.
Then he called certain of his servants to him ; and
commanded them to lay me down at his feet, which four of
them did : and laying me flat upon the belly, one of them
gave me 75 stripes with a great cudgel, till I was not able to
remove out of the place.
Then the King commanded to carry me to prison again :
whither two of them carried me and put me in irons, and
there left me. Where I remained for the space of two
months.
Then was I brought forth of prison, and sent daily to a
fountain or well, about half a league from the
I was now r ■x • i i r /• i
made a Water- towu, to fetch Water With a couple of asses, for the
^^^"' use of the King's House.
Now, in this time, many artificers (as Smiths, Joiners, and
R. Hasleton
?
^5°":] He FINALLY ESCAPES, DRESSED AS A MoOR. I 77
Carpenters, and many others) came to me to understand the
fashion of many English tools (as plane irons, gouges,
chisels and such like) ; for which they shewed me some
favour, and gave me some money.
And when I had gotten a little money, I bestowed it upon
apparel, and caused it to be made like to theirs : which I
carried secretly, when I went to fetch water, and did hide it
in a dry cave under the side of a rock. I bought me likewise
a sword and a lance, such as they use to travel with. I also
provided a file. All which I laid up with my apparel.
It happened that the King of Abbesse came again to
visit the King, and to take counsel about warlike affairs ; as
usually they did.
Wherefore when they heard of his coming, making great
preparation for him ; it fell out so that there wanted water
in the Offices \Kitchens &c\ where, in an evening, there was
exceeding thunder and rain and lightning ; so that there
was no man would go for water, but everyone [was] calling
for the Englishman.
Then I, which durst say no " Nay ! ", took the vessels and
hung them upon the asses ; and so went, through rain and
wind and thunder and all, till I came to the well : where I
left my asses to wander whither they would, and went to
my apparel and with my file cut off my irons, and made me
ready in my suit of Moors' clothing, and, with my sword
by my side and my lance on my shoulder, took my way
once again towards Argire.
And that night I went about 20 miles over rocks and
mountains, keeping myself out of beaten ways, casting
{directing] my way by the moon and stars. When the day
began to be light, I lay me down in a brake of thick bushes ;
and there I slept the most part of the day : and in the
evening I began to travel forth on my way.
Now, on the third night, I was to pass a bridge where
was continual watch and ward, both day and night ; where
I must of necessity pass, by reason the river [? the river Isser]
ran betwixt two mountains : which were so steep that no
man can neither go down to enter [the] water, nor yet being
in can by any possible means get up on the other side ;
which river is a great defence to the country.
178 He reaches the Kingdom of Algiers. [^" ^^j'i5°3:
Where I used no delay, but entered the bridge in the
beginning of the night, about nine of the clock, being in
great doubt [fear] of the Watch. But at the first end of
the bridge, I saw no man, until I was happily passed over.
Then there came one after me, and asked, Who goes
there ?
It being somewhat dark, and I in apparel and with my
weapons like a Moor ; [I] answered boldly. That I was a
friend, and told him, I was coming to the Governor to
deliver letters from the King. For near the river's side
there is a village where dwelleth he who hath charge of the
keeping of this passage. Whereby I went onward through
the village.
But before I was far passed, I heard horsemen upon the
bridge ; which asked. Whether any man had passed that
night ?
The watermen told them, There was one gone, even now,
which said, He went to deliver the King's letters to the
Officer.
But I thought [it] no time now to hear any more of their
talk ; but betook me to my heels : and so soon as I was
without the town, I went out of the Port way [i/ie road to
Algiers\ into [the] woods ; and kept desert ways that night
and day following.
And the next night, I came within the liberties of the
King of Argire ; where I knew the Cabyles \Kabyles\ could
not fetch me back again.
In this order I escaped their hands, by the mighty power
Many danger- of GOD. For Understand, in these desert moun-
fn th'at'^ ''^^^'^ tains there are all manner of wild beasts, in great
country. number ; as lions, bears, wolves of marvellous big-
ness, apes, wild swine ; and also wild horses and asses, with
many other hurtful beasts : yet was I never in danger of any
of them.
In this country of Cabyles, there are divers kinds of very
pure metals, as gold, silver, and lead ; and good iron and
steel : but they, for want of knowledge and skill, make no
use of any metal except iron and steel. Although at such
times I have been present, while the Smiths have tried their
iron, I have seen, among the dross of the iron, very perfect
R. Hasleton.
?i593
;] Unfortunate CHANCE OUTSIDE Algiers. 179
gold. Which they, perceiving me to behold, were very in-
quisitive to understand, Whether it were gold, or any other
metal of substance ?
But I told them, It was but a kind of dross whereof we
made colours for painting in England.
They carried me out to the mountains, and shewed me
the rocks where they gathered their iron ; which rocks had
veins of very pure gold. Which I would not reveal to them,
but answered as before : because I doubted \^feared\ if the
King once knew me to have experience in such mysteries,
he would keep me the more straight[ly] ; whereby I might
have remained in bondage during my life.
Now when I was within the country of Argire, I was out of
dangers from the pursuers ; and then did I walk by day and
kept the common ways.
Where, coming within the view of Argire, upon the way I
met a Turk who knew me at the first sight ; and demanded.
If I had not been captive with such a man ?
I said, " Yes."
He then inquired, Whether I went to the city ?
I said, " Yes."
Then turned he back, and did accompany me to the city.
When I came there, I would have gone to the English
House ; but he led me violently to my old Master [p. 372],
where I rested me a day and night : my Master not being
very earnest, for because, in this time that I was absent
[i 587-1 588], all the English captives were redeemed and
sent home.
Wherefore I went to the English Consul, hoping to be
presently [instantly] delivered : who gave me very good
words, but did not shew me that favour which he professed.
I could make some discourse of his unkind dealing with
me and others of our countrymen ; which I will leave till [a]
more fit occasion.
For, understand, that while I was with him, there came a
messenger from my old Master, with whom I was before I
went to Genoa [in the previous year, 1587] ; who would have
carried me away by force : but I would not go, requesting
the Consul to take order for my delivery.
I So Over three more years a galley slave. [^- "^I'^J"":
But he persuaded me to go with him, saying, that he
would, in time, provide for my liberty.
But by means I would not yield to go to my Master, nor
yet the Consul would not take order for me : I was taken by
the King's Officers, and put in chains in the King's prison,
among other captives.
And at the next setting out of the gallies, I was put to my
old occupation ; where I remained a galley slave for three
years and above after [1588-1592.] In which time, I was
eight voyages at sea : and at such times as the gallies lay in
harbour, I was imprisoned with the rest of the captives, where
our ordinary food was bread and water ; and, at some times,
as once or twice in a week, a small quantity of sodden
wheat.
To conclude, I passed my time in sickness and extreme
slavery until, by the help of an honest Merchant [ ? Master
Richard Stapar or S tapers, of this city of London, and having
a very fit opportunity by means of certain [of] our English ships
which were ready to set sail, bound homeward, upon Christmas
Even, being the 24th of December 1 592, I came aboard {at
Algiers'] the Cherubim of London ; which, weighing anchor,
and having a happy gale, arrived in England towards the
end of February [1593] following.
Thus have you heard how it hath pleased the Almighty
GOD, after many and great miseries, to bring me to the
port which I longed greatly to see : beseeching GOD, of
his mercy, to prolong the days of our most gracious and
renowned Queen ; whose fame reacheth far, and whose most
happy government is in admiration with foreign Princes.
So wishing all to the glory of GOD, and
[the] furtherance of the Gospel,
I end.
FINIS.
Rev. Richard Hakluyt.
T'he antiquity of the trade with
English ships into the Levant.
1 82 Ancient English Trade in the Levant. [^- ""'^l^^'g:
Rev. Richard Hakluyt.
b
The antiquity of the trade with English
ships into the Leva?2t,
[Voyages. 1599.]
N THE years of our Lord 1511, 1512 &c. till the year
1534; divers tall ships of London, namely the
Christopher Campion, Vvhtvtm was factor one Roger
Whitcome ; the Mary George, wherein was factor
William Gresham; the great Mary Grace, the
owner whereof was William Gunson, and the Master one
John Hely; the Trinity Fitz Williams, whtrtoi was Master,
Lawrence Arkey; the Matthew of London, whereof was
Master, William Capling ; with certain other ships of
Southampton and Bristol : had an ordinary and usual trade
to Sicily, Candia, Scio ; and somewhiles to Cyprus, as also to
Tripolis and Barrutti [Beyroiit] in Syria. The commodities
which they carried thither were fine kerseys of divers colours,
coarse kerseys, white " Western dozens," cottons, certain cloths
called " statutes " and others called "cardinal whites," and
calfskins which were well sold in Sicily &c. The commodities
which they returned [brought] back were silks, camlets,
rhubarb, malmseys muscadels and other wines, sweet oils,
cotton wool, Turkey carpets, galls, pepper, cinnamon and
some other spices, &c. Besides the natural inhabitants of
the aforesaid places, they had, even in those days, traffic with
Jews, Turks, and other foreigners. Neither did our merchants
only employ their own English shipping before mentioned ;
but that of sundry strangers also : as, namely, Candiots,
Raguseans, Sicilians, Genoese, Venetian galleasses, Spanish
and Portuguese ships. All which particulars do most evidently
appear out of certain ancient ligier books [ledgers] of the
Right Worshipful Sir William Lock, Mercer of London, of
Sir William Bowyer, Alderman of London, of Master John
Gresham, and of others; which I Richard Hakluyt have
diligently perused and copied out.
J. wtiHamson.j Ancient English Trade in the Levant. 183
A voyage made with the ships called the Holy Cross and
the Matthew Gonson to the isles of Candia and Scio
about the year 1534 : according to a relation made to
Master Richard Hakluyt, by John Williamson,
Cooper and Citizen of London, who lived in the year
1592. He went as Cooper in the Matthew Gonson the
next voyage after.
He ships called the Holy Cross and the Matthew
Gonson, made a voyage to the islands of Candia and
Scio in Turkey about the year 1534. And in the
Matthew went as Captain, Master Richard Gonson,
son of old Master William Gonson, Paymaster of the King's
Navy. In this first voyage went William Holstocke — who
afterwards was Controller of Her Majesty's Navy, and lately
deceased— as page to Master Richard Gonson aforesaid :
which Master Gonson died at Scio in this his first voyage.
The ship called the Holy Cross was a short ship, and of 160
tons burden. And having been a full yearat sea in performance
of this voyage, with great danger she returned home : where
upon her arrival at Blackwall in the river Thames, her wine
and oil casks were found to be so weak, that they were not
able to hoist them out of the ship : but were constrained to
draw them as they lay, and put their wine and oil into new
vessels, and so to unload the ship. Their chief freight was
very excellent Muscatels and red Malmsey: the like whereof
were seldom seen before in England. They brought home
also a good quantity of sweet oils, cotton wools, Turkey
carpets, galls, cinnamon and some other spices. The said
ship called the Holy Cross was so shaken in this voyage,
and so weakened ; that she was laid up in the dock, and
never made a voyage after.
Another voyage to the isles of Candia and Scio made by
the Matthew Gonson about the year 1535 : according to
the relation of John Williamson, then Cooper in the
same ship; made to Master Richard Hakluyt in
the year 1592.
184 E N G L I S H V O Y A G E S T O S C I O . [J' ^^"'"'^"Jj"";
jHe good ship called the Matthew Gonson, of 300 tons
burden — whereof was owner old Master William
GoxsoN, Paymaster of the King's Navy — made her
voyage in the year 1535. In this ship went as
Captain, Richard Gray, who long after died in Russia.
Master William Holstocke — afterwards Controller of the
Queen's Na\T — went then as Purser in the same voyage.
The Master was one John Picket, ser\^ant to old Master
William Gonson. James Rumnie was Master's Mate.
The Master Cooper was John Williamson citizen of London,
living in the year 1592, and dwelling in Saint Dunstan's
parish in the East. The Master Gunner was John Godfrey
of Bristol.
In this ship were six gunners and four trumpeters. All
which four trumpeters at our return homewards, went on
land at Messina in the island of Sicily, as our ship rode there
at anchor ; and got themselves into the galleys that lay near
unto us, and in them went to Rome. The whole number of
our company in this ship was about a hundred men. We
were also furnished with a great boat, which was able to carry
ten tons of water : which at our return homewards we towed
all the way from Scio until we came through the Straits of
Gibraltar into the main ocean. We had also a great long
boat, and a skiff.
We were out upon this voyage eleven months ; yet in all
this time there died of sickness but one man ; whose name
was George Forrest, being ser\-ant to our Carpenter called
Thomas Plummer.
X a great ligierbook [ledger] of one William Eyrus,
servant unto Sir William Bowyer, Alderman of
London — bearing date the 15th of November 1533
and continued until the 4th of July, 1544 — I find
that he the said William Eyrus was factor in Scio, not only
for his master, and for his grace the Duke of Norfolk, but
also for man}^ others, worshipful merchants of London: among
whom I find the accounts of these especially, to wit, of his
said master Sir William Bowyer; of William and Nicholas
Wilford, Merchant Tailors of London; of Thomas Curtis,
Pewterer ; of John Starky Mercer ; of William Ostrige
Merchant; and of Richard Field Draper.
^■"''''!s£] English Voyages to Scio. 185
And further I find in the said ligier book a note of the said
Eyrus, of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert
Bye in Scio ; who became his master's factor in his room :
and another like note of particulars of goods that he left in
the hands of Oliver Lesson, servant to William and
Nicholas Wilford.
And for proof of the continuance of this trade until the
end of the year 1552 : I found annexed unto the former note
of the goods left with Robert Bye in Scio, a letter being
dated the 27th of November 1552 in London.
i86
Edward Wright, Mathematician.
The Voyage of the Karl of Cumberland
to the Azores ^c.^in 1589.
Although this cruize seems, from PuRCHAS's /'//^t/wj' iv. ^. ii^l, Ed.
1625, to have gained loo per cent, profit ; yet it was a singularly
unlucky one. They missed the Fleet of Portuguese Carracks, in
which LiNSCHOTEN came back from Goa, sec pp. 93, 96, 188 ; they
missed enormous treasure at Fayal, see p. 103 ; and though they
actually saw the Spanish West Indian Squadron going into Angra,
•sec pp. 104, 197-8, the wind being contrary, robbed them of their
prey ; and, finally, their best prize was wrecked off Cornwall.
[Certain Errors in Navigatio7t, (s'c. 1599.]
He Right Honourable the Earl of Cumberland,
having, at his own charges, prepared his small
fleet, of four vessels only {viz., the Victory, one of
the Queen's royal ships ; the Meg, and Margaret,
small ships, one of which also he was forced soon
after to send home again, finding her not able to endure the
sea; and a small Caravel), and having assembled together
about four hundred men, or fewer (of gentlemen, soldiers, and
sailors), embarked himself and them, and set sail from the
Sound of Plymouth, in Devonshire, the iSth of June 1589 :
being accompanied with these Captains and gentlemen,
which hereafter follow :
Captain Christopher Lister, a man of great diligence,
courage, and resolution ; Captain Edward Careless, alias
Wright, who, in Sir Francis Drake's West Indian Voyage
[1586] , was Captain of the Hope ; Captain Boswell, Captain
Mervin, Master Henry Longe, Master Partridge, Master
Norton, Master, now [i.e., in 1599] Sir William Monson,
Captain of the Meg; Master Pigeon, Captain of the Caravel.
About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we
met with three French ships; whereof, one was of Newhaven
[Havre] and another of Saint Malo ; so, finding them to be
Leaguers and lawful prize, we to )k them : and sent two of
them for England with all their lading (which, for the most
^■^'ifS] Seizure of the Easterlings' ships. 187
part, was fish from Newfoundland) ; saving that there was a
part thereof distributed among our small fleet, as we could
find stowage for the same. In the third, all their men were
sent home into France.
The same day, and the following day, we met with some
other ships ; which (when, after some conference had with
them, we perceived plainly to be of Rotterdam and Embden,
bound for Rochelle) we dismissed.
The 28th and 29th, we met divers of our English ships
returning from the Portugal Voyage [i.e., the Expedition with
Don Antonio to Lisbon\
The 13th of July, being Sunday, in the morning, we espied
eleven ships, out of sight of the coast of Spain, in 39° N. :
which we presently prepared for, and provided to meet ;
having first set forth the Meg before us, to descry whence
they were. The Meg approaching near, there passed some
shot between them ; whereby, as also by their admiral \i.e.y
flag ship] and vice-admiral putting forth their flags, we per-
ceived some fight was likely to follow.
Having therefore fitted ourselves for them, we made what
haste we could towards them ; with regard always, to get the
wind of them : and about ten or eleven o'clock, we came up
to them, with the Victory. But after some few shot, and
some little fight had passed betwixt us; they yielded them-
selves : and the Masters of them all came aboard us, showing
their several passportsfrom the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck,
from Bremen, Pomerania, and Calice.
They had in them certain bags of pepper and cinamon,
which they confessed to be the goods of a Jew in Lisbon ;
which should have been carried by them into their own
country, to his Factor there : so finding it, by their own con-
fession, to be lawful prize, the same was, soon after, taken, and
divided among our whole company. The value whereof, was
esteemed to be, about 4,500 lbs., at 2s. [=i2s. now] the pound.
The 17th day, the foresaid ships were dismissed ; but seven of
their sailors, that were willing to go along with us as sailors,
we took to help us: and so held on our course for the Azores.
Two days after, some of their sailors remaining with us,
reported that the said Easterlings' ships had also in them
;^20,ooo [mahout £120,000 now] worth of Spaniard's goods ;
but then, it was too late to search them.
i88 Arrive at Azores, ist of August 1589. [^■'^"^J,-
The 1st of August [0. S.], being Friday, in the morning, we
had sight o fthe island of St. Michael's, being one of the easter-
most of the Azores ; towards which, we sailed all that day.
And at night, having put forth a Spanish flag in our maintop,
that so they might the less suspect us ; we approached
near to the chief town and road of that island : where
we espied three ships riding at anchor, and some smaller
vessels. All which, we determined to take in the dark of the
night, and accordingly attempted, about ten or eleven o'clock ;
sending our boats well manned, to cut their cables and
hawsers, and let them drive into the sea. Our men coming
to them, found that one of those greatest ships, was the
Falcon, of London ; being there under a Scottish pilot, who
bare the name of her as his own. But three other smaller
ships, that lay near under the Castle there, our men let loose,
and towed them away unto us : most of the Spaniards, that
were in them, leapt overboard, swimming to the shore, with
loud and lamentable outcries ; which they of the town hearing,
were in an uproar, and answered with like crying. The
Castle discharged some great shot at our boats ; but shooting
without mark, by reason of the darkness, they did us no hurt.
The Scots likewise discharged three great geeces [guns]
into the air, to make the Spaniards think they were their
friends and our enemies : and shortly after, the Scottish
Master, and some others with him, came aboard to my Lord,
doing their duty, and offering their service, &c. These three
ships were freighted with wine and salad oil, from Seville.
The same day, our Caravel chased a Spanish caravel to
shore at St. Michael's, which carried letters thither; by which
we learned, that the Carracks were departed from Terceira
eight days before [Linschoten states that they first left on %th
August, N.S., which would be 30//1 July, O.S., or the Wednesday
before this Friday ; and returned on 13/A, N.S., i.e., ^rd August
O.S. : and that Lord Cumberland passed Angra on the previous
day, the 2nd, O.S. What a piece of bad luck for the English I]
The 7th of August, we had sight of a little ship, which we
chased towards Terceira, with our pinnace ; the weather
being calm : and, towards evening, we overtook her. There
was in her 30 tuns of good Madeira wine, certain woollen cloth,
silk,taftata, &c.
The 14th of August, we came to the island of Flores : where
^■^"ifJi] Obtain fresh provisions at F lores. 189
we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh
victuals ; such as the island did afford. So we manned our
boats with some 120 men, and rowed towards the shore.
Whereto, when we approached, the inhabitants that were
assembled at the landing place, put forth a flag of truce :
whereupon we also did the like.
When we came to them, my Lord gave them to understand
by his Portuguese interpreter, that " He was a friend to their
King Don Antonio, and came not in any way to injure them ;
but that he meant only to have some fresh water and fresh
victuals of them, by way of exchange for some provisions that
he had as oil, wine, or pepper." To which they presently
agreed willingly ; and sent some of their company for beefs
[oxen] and sheep.
We, in the mean season, marched southward about a mile,
to Santa Cruz ; from whence all the inhabitants, young and
old, were departed, and not anything of value left. We de-
manding of them, "What was the cause thereof?" they
answered, " Fear ! as their usual manner was, when any ships
came near their coast."
We found that part of the island to be full of great rocky
barren hills and mountains, little inhabited by reason that it
is molested with Ships of war ; which might partly appear by
this town of Santa Cruz, being one of their chief towns ;
which was all ruinous, and as it were, but the relics of the
ancient town: which had been burnt, about two years before
[August 1587], by certain English Ships of war [under Sir
Richard Grenville], as the inhabitants there reported.
At evening, as we were rowing towards the Victory, a huge
fish [ ? shark] pursued us, for the space of well nigh two miles
together: distmt for the most part, from the boat's stern not
a spear's length; and sometimes so near, that the boat struck
upon him. The tips of whose fins about the gills, appearing
oftimes above the water, were, by estimation, four or five
yards asunder ; and his jaws gaping a yard and a half wide.
Which put us in fear of the overturning of the pinnace: but,
GOD be thanked ! rowing as hard as we could, we escaped.
When we were about Flores, a little ship called the Drake,
brought us word that the Carracks were at Terceira. [They
had returned for water, seep. 96.] Of which news, we were very
glad ; and sped us thitherward, with all the speed we could.
I90 Daring escape of English Sailors. P'^^lfgg.
By the way, we came to Fayal road [harbour], the 27th of
August, after sunset ; where we espied certain ships riding
at anchor : to whom we sent the Saucy Jack (a small
ship lately consorted with us) and our skiff, well manned.
With which ships, our men had a fight about an hour in the
night : the town also discharging their great ordnance from
the platform [battery] there, in defence of those ships ; where-
with the Master of our Caravel was hurt. But, in the end,
our men brought them all out of the harbour, being six in
number ; whereof one was of 250 tons, laden with sugar,
ginger, hides, &c., lately come from the West Indies. Two
of the worst, we let float on the sea ; having first taken out
of them such things as we liked. The other four were sent
for England, the 30th day of August.
At the taking of these prizes, were consorted with us some
other small Men of war, as [the celebrated] Master John Davis
with his ship, pinnace and boat ; Captain Marksbury with
his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh ; the Bark
of Lyme, which was also consorted with us before.
The 31st of August, in the morning, we came in sight of
Terceira, being about nine or ten leagues from the shore :
where we espied coming towards us, a small boat under
sail; which seemed somewhat strange to us, being so far
from land, and no ship in sight to which they might belong.
But coming near, they put us out of doubt ; showing they
were Englishmen, eight in number, that had lately been
prisoners in Terceira, and finding opportunity to escape at
that time, with that small boat, committed themselves to the
sea, under GOD's providence : having no other yard for
their mainsail but two pipe staves tied together by the ends ;
and no more provision 01" victuals than they could bring in
their pockets and bosoms. [See LiNSCHOTEN's account of this
escape^
Having taken them all into the Victory ; they gave us cer-
tain intelligence that the Carracks were departed from thence,
about a week before [or rather, as Linschoten says, on ^rd
August, O.S.
Thus being without any further hope of those Carracks; we
resolved to return to Fayal, with intent to surprise the town.
But, until the 9th of September, we had either the wind so
contrary or the weather so calm, that, in all that time, we
^- '^^"'i^jy Capture of the Town of Fayal. 191
made scarce nine or ten leagues' way, lingering up and down,
not far from Pico.
The loth September, being Wednesday, in the afternoon, we
came again to Fayal road : whereupon, immediately, my Lord
sent Captain Lister, with one of the island of Graciosa, whom
Captain Monson had taken before, and some others towards
Fayal. Whom, certain of the inhabitants met in a boat, and
came with Captain Lister, to my Lord. To whom, he gave
this choice, " Either to suffer him quietly to enter into the
platform [battery] there, without resistance ; where he and his
company would remain a space, without offering any injury
to them, that they," the inhabitants, *' might come unto him,
and compound for the ransom of the town : or else, to stand
to the hazard of war."
With these w^ords, they returned to the town ; but the
keepers of the platform answered that " it was against their
oath, and allegiance to King Philip, to give over without
fight." [These were the Portuguese inhabitants, not Spanish
soldiers.
Whereupon, my Lord commanded the boats of every ship
to be presently [at once] manned ; and, soon after, landed his
men on the sandy shore, under the side of a hill, about half a
league to the northwards, from the platform. Upon the top
of which hill, certain horsemen and footmen showed them-
selves. Two other companies also appeared, with ancients
[flags or ensigns] displayed ; the one before the town, upon the
shore by the seaside, which marched towards our landing-
place, as though they would encounter us ; the other in a
valley to the southwards of the platform, as if they would
have come to help the townsmen. During which time,
they in the platform, also played upon us with great
ordnance.
Notwithstanding, my Lord, having set his men in order,
marched along upon the sands, betwixt the sea and the town,
towards the platform, for the space of a mile or more : and
then (the shore growing rocky, and permitting no further pro-
gress without much difficulty) he entered into the town, and
passed through the street without resistance, unto the plat-
form. For those companies before mentioned, at my Lord's
approach, were soon dispersed ; and suddenly vanished.
Likewise they of the platform, being all fled, at my I/ord's
II. N 5
192 Description of the Town of Fayal. P'^'ifg^
coming thither, left him and his company to scale the walls,
to enter and take possession without resistance.
In the meantime, our ships ceased not to batter the fore-
said town and platform with great shot, till such time as we
saw the Red Cross of England flourishing upon the forefront
thereof.
This Fayal is the principal town in all that land, and is
situated directly over against the high and mighty mountain
Pico, lying towards the west-north-west, from that mountain :
being divided therefrom by a narrow sea, which, at that place,
is, by estimation, about some two or three leagues in breadth.
The town contained some three hundred households.
Their houses were fair, strongly built of lime and stone, and
double covered with hollow tiles, much like our roof tiles ; but
that they are less at one end than the other, in the manner of
a concave semi-conical figure. The first course lieth with the
hollow sides and great ends upward ; the lesser end of one tile
lying always within the greater end of t!ie other, in such sort,
as, all along the house from the roof to the eves, they make
so many gutters as there are courses of tiles laid.
The second courses are laid with round sides, and lesser
ends upwards, covering under their hollowness the edges of
the former courses, in such sort that all the rain that falleth,
slideth off from the backs of the tiles that are laid in the
second courses, and runneth down the foresaid gutters, with-
out taint or infection of mortar or mire; and so, being received
into cisterns, supplieth very well their necessary uses of fresh
water : whereof, otherwise, there is great want in that place.
Every house almost had, for this purpose, a cistern or well
in a garden on the back side ; in which gardens grew vines,
with ripe clusters of grapes, making pleasant shadows ;
tobacco (now [i.e., 1599] commonly known and used in Eng-
land) wherewith their women there d3'e their faces reddish to
make them seem fresh and 3'oung ; Indian and common
pepper, fig trees bearing both white and red figs, peach trees
not growing very tall, oranges, lemons, quinces, potato roots
[i.e., our potatoes], &c. Sweet wood (cedar, I think) is very
common there, even for building and firing.
My Lord having possessed himself of the town and plat-
form, and being careful of the preserv^ation of the town, gave
commandment that " no mariner or soldier should enter into
^■^'iSi] ^ RANSOM IS PAID FOR THE ToWN. I93
any house to make spoil thereof." Especially, was he careful
that the Churches, and Houses of Religion there, should be
kept inviolate : which was accordingly performed through his
appointment of guarders and keepers for those places. But the
rest of the town (either for want of knowledge of the former
inhibition, or for desire of spoil and prey) was rifled and ran-
sacked by the soldiers and mariners ; who scarcely left any
house unsearched : out of which they took such things as
liked them, as chests of sweet wood, chairs, cloth, coverlets,
hangings, bedding and apparel. And further, they ranged
into the country ; where some of them also were hurt by the
inhabitants.
The Friary there, containing and maintaining thirty
Franciscan friars (amongst whom, we could not find any one
able to speak true Latin), was built by a friar of Angra, in
Terceira, of the same order, about the year of our Lord, 1506.
The tables in the hall had seats for one side only, and were
always covered, as ready at all times, for dinner or supper.
From Wednesday [10//1] in the afternoon, at which time we
entered the town, until Saturday night, we continued there;
until the inhabitants had agreed and paid for the ransom of
the town 2,000 ducats [= ^^533 6s. then = about ^^3,000 now] ;
most part of which was church plate.
We found in the platform, fifty-eight iron pieces of ordnance;
whereof three-and-twenty, as I remember, or more were
mounted upon their carriages, between barricades, upon a
platform [battery] towards the seaside. All which ordnance
we took, and set the platform on fire ; and so departed.
My Lord having invited to dinner in the Victory, on the
Sunday [i^th] following, so many of the inhabitants as would
willingly come, save only Diego Gomez the Governor (who
came but once only to parlee about the ransom) : only four came,
and were well entertained ; and solemnly dismissed with
sound of drum and trumpets, and a peal of ordnance. To
whom, my Lord delivered his letter, subscribed with his own
hand, importing a request to all other Englishmen, to abstain
from any further molesting of them; save only for fresh water,
and victuals necessary for their intended voyage.
During our abode here, viz., nth of September, two men
came out of Pico, who had been prisoners there. Also, at
Fayal, we set at liberty a prisoner translated from St. Jago;
1 94 Cruizing about the Azores. [^- ^^'".il^.
who was cousin to a servant of Don Antonio, King of
Portugal in England. These prisoners we detained with us.
On Monday \15th], we sent our boats ashore for fresh water,
which, by reason of the rain that fell in the former night, came
plentifully running down the hills ; and would otherwise have
been hard to get there.
On Tuesday [16///] likewise, not having yet sufficiently served
our turns, we sent again for fresh water : which was then not
so easy to be got as the day before, by reason of a great wind ;
which, in the afternoon, increased also in such sort that we
thought it not safe to ride so near the land. Whereupon we
weighed anchor, and so departed north-west-by-west, along
the coast of Fa3'al island.
Some of the inhabitants coming aboard to us, this day, told
us that, always, about that time of the year, such west-south-
west winds blew on that coast.
This day, as we sailed near Saint George's Island, a huge
fish, lying still, a little under water or rather even therewith,
appeared hard by, ahead of us ; the sea break upon his back,
which was black coloured, in such sort, as deeming, at the
first, it had been a rock, and the ship stemning directly with
him, we were put in a sudden fear for the time ; till, soon
after, we saw him move out of the way.
In the night of September i6th, it lightned much ; where-
upon, there followed great winds and rain, which continued
September i7th-2ist.
The 23rd of September, we came again into Fayal road, to
weigh an anchor, which, for haste and fear of foul weather, we
had left there before. Where we went ashore to see the
town ; the people, as we thought, having now settled them-
selves there again. But, notwithstanding, many of them,
through too much distrustfulness, departed, or prepared to
depart with their packets, at the first sight of us : until such
time as they were assured by my Lord that our coming was
not in any way to injure them ; but especially [principally] to
have fresh water and some other things needful for us, con-
tenting them for the same.
So then we viewed the town quietly, and bought such
things as we desired for our money, as if we had been in
England : and they helped to fill us with fresh water;
receiving for their pains, such satisfaction as contented them.
^■^'ifSl Fight with islanders of Graciosa. 195
The 25th day, we were forced again to depart from thence,
before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a great
tempest that suddenly arose in the night ; insomuch that my
Lord himself, soon after midnight, raised our men out of their
cabins to weigh anchor : himself also together with them
hauling at the capstan ; and, after, cheering them up with
wine.
The next day, we sent our caravel and Saticy Jack to the
road of Saint Michael, to see what they could espy. We
following after them, upon the 27th day, plying to and fro,
came within sight of Saint Michael's; but, by contrary winds,
the 2Sth-30th days, we were driven to leeward, and could not
get near the island.
The 31st day, we sailed along Terceira ; and even against
Bresil (a promontory near to Angra, the strongest town in
that island), we espied some boats coming to the town, and
made towards them : but they being near to land, they ran to
shore and escaped us.
In the afternoon, we came near to Graciosa, whereupon my
Lord forthwith sent Captain Lister to the islanders, to let
them understand that his desire was only to have water and
wine of them and some fresh victuals ; and not any further to
trouble them. They answered " They could give no resolute
answer to this demand until the Governor of the island had
consulted thereupon; and therefore desired him to send again
the next day."
Upon the ist of October, early in the morning, we sent
forth our long boat and pinnace with empty caske, and about
some fifty or sixty men ; together with the Margaret and
Captain Davis his ship : for we now wanted [were without] all
the rest of our consorts.
But when our men would have landed, the islanders shot at
them, and would not suffer them : and troops of men appeared
upon land, with ancients [flags] displayed to resist us. So our
boats rowed along the shore to find some place where they
might land without too much disadvantage ; our ships and
they still shooting at the islanders : but no place could be
found where they might land without great peril of losing
many of their lives. So they were constrained to retire,
without receiving any answer, as was promised the day before.
We had three men hurt in this conflict. Whilst our boats
196 Who, after, supply them with wine. [_ ^•^'JfgJ
were together in consulting what was best to be done, two of
them were struck with a great shot [0/ a gun] which the
islanders drew from place to place with oxen ; wherewith the
one lost his hand, and the other his life within two or three
days after. The third was shot in his neck with a small shot,
without any great hurt.
With this news, our company returned back again at night;
whereupon preparation was made to go to them again the next
day. But the day was far spent before we could come near
them with our ship ; neither could we find any good ground to
anchor in, where we might lie to to batter the town : and
further, we could find no landing-place, without great danger
to lose many men ; which might turn not only to the over-
throw of our voyage, but also put the Queen's ship in great
peril, for want of men to bring her home.
Therefore my Lord thought it best to write to them to this
effect, that " He could not a little marvel at their inhumanity
and cruelty, which they had showed towards his men ; seeing
they were sent by him unto them in peaceable manner, to
receive their answer which they had promised to give, the day
before : and that were it not for Don Antonio, their lawful
King his sake, he could not put up so great injury at their
hands, without just revengement upon them. Notwithstand-
ing, for Don Antonio his sake, whose friend he was, he was
yet content to send to them, once again, for their answer."
At night, Captain Lister returned with this answer from
them, that " The gunner shot off one of their pieces which was
charged with powder only, and was stopped ; which our men
thinking it had been shot at them, shot again, and so began
the fight : and that the next morning, they would send my
Lord a resolute answer to his demand ; for, as yet, they could
not know their Governor's mind herein."
The next morning, there came unto us a boat from the
shore, with a flag of truce ; wherein were three of the chief
men of the island : who agreed with my Lord that he should
have of them, sixty butts of wine and fresh victuals, to
refresh himself and his company withal : but, as for fresh
water, they could not satisfy our need therein, having them-
selves little or none, saving such as they saved in vessels or
cisterns, when it rained ; and they had rather give us two
tuns of wine than one of water. But they requested that our
^■^S-] ^^^ ^^^ Spanish W. I. Fleet, at Angra; 197
soldiers might not come on shore, for they themselves would
bring all they had promised to the water side. Which
request was granted, we keeping one of them aboard with us
until this promise was performed, and the others we sent to
shore, with our empty caske, and some of our men to help to
fill and bring them away, with such other provision as was
promised. So the Margaret, Captain Davis his ship, and
another of Weymouth stayed, riding at anchor before the
town, to take in our provision : but we, with the Victory, put
off to sea. [Sire p. 200, etc.] This ship of Weymouth came
to us the day before, and had taken a rich prize worth, as it was
reported, ;^i6,000, [ = ;i^ 96,000 noiv\ : which brought us news
that the West Indian Fleet was not yet come, but would come
very shortly. But we, with the Victory, put off to sea.
And upon Saturday, the4th of October, we took a French ship
of St. Malo (a city of the unholy League) laden with fish from
Newfoundland; which had been in so great a tempest that
she was constrained to cut her mainmast overboard for her
safety, and was now coming to Graciosa to repair herself.
But so hardly it befell her, that she did not only not repair
her former losses ; but lost all that remained, to us. The chief
of her men we took into our ship ; and sent some of our men,
mariners and soldiers into her, to bring her to England.
Upon the Sunday following, at night, all our promised
provisions were brought unto us from Graciosa; and we
friendly dismissed the islanders with a peal of ordnance.
Upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday we plied to and
fro, about those islands ; being very rough weather.
Upon Thursday [g/A of October], at night, being driven
some three or four leagues from Terceira ; we saw fifteen
sail of the West Indian Fleet coming into the haven of
Angra in Terceira. But the wind was such, that, for the
space of four days after, though we lay as close by the wind
as was possible, yet we could not come near them. In this
time, we lost our French prize, not being able to lie so near
the wind as we : and heard no more of her till we came to
England, where she safely arrived.
Upon Monday [13/A of October], we came very near the
haven's mouth ; being minded to have run in amongst them,
and to have fetched out some of them, if it had been possible.
But in the end, the enterprise was deemed too dangerous,
198 BUT ARE NOT ABLE TO GET AT THEM. [
E. Wright.
1599-
considering tlie strengtli of the place where they rode ; being
hauled and towed in nearer the town, at the first sight of our
approaching, and lying under the protection of the Castle of
Bresil on the one side, having in it twenty-five pieces of
ordnance ; and a Fort on the other side, wherein were thirteen
or fourteen great brass pieces.
Besides, when we came near land, the wind proved too
scant for us to attempt any such enterprise.
Upon Tuesday, the 14th of October, we sent our boat to the
road, to sound the depth, to see if there were any anchoring-
place for us, where we might be without the shot of the Castle
and the Fort, and within shot of some of those ships, that we
might either make them come out to us, or sink them where
they lay. Our boat returned, having found out such a place as
we desired ; but the wind would not suffer us to come near it :
and again, if we could have anchored there, it was thought
likely that they would rather run themselves aground to save
their lives and liberty and some of their goods, than come
forth to lose their liberties and goods to us, their enemies.
So we shot at them, to see if we could reach them ; but it
fell far short.
And thus we departed ; thinking it not probable that they
would come forth so long as we watched for them, before the
haven mouth or within sight of them. For the space of five
days after, we put off to sea, and lay out of sight of them;
and sent a pinnace to lie out of sight, close by the shore, to
bring us word if they should come forth. After a while, the
pinnace returned, and told us that those ships in the haven
had taken down their sails and let down their topmasts : so
that we supposed they would never come forth, till they
perceived us to be quite gone. [They left on 2yth of October,
and were nearly all taken by the English^
Wherefore, on the 20th of October, hearing that there were
certain Scottish ships at St. Michael's, we sailed thither,
and found there one Scottish roader \ix., ship in the road]; and
two or three more at Villa Franca, the next road, a league or
two from the town of St. Michael's to the eastward : of
whom, we had, for our relief, some small quantity of wine,
viz., some five or six butts of them all ; and some fresh
water: but nothing sufficient to serve our turn.
Upon Tuesday, the 21st of October, we sent our long boat
E,
^'Sg':] To GET WATER, ATTACK St. MaRy's IsLE. 1 99
to shore for fresh water, at a brook a little to the westward
of Villa Franca: but the inhabitants espying us, came down
with two ancients [ensigns] displayed, and about some 1^0
armed men, to withstand our landing. So our men having
spent all their powder upon them, in attempting to land, and
not being able to prevail at so great odds ; returned frustrate.
From thence, we departed towards St. Mary's Island,
minding to water there, and then to go for the coast of Spain.
For we had intelligence that it was a place of no great force,
and that we might water there very well.
Therefore, upon Friday following [25th of October], my Lord
sent Captain Lister, and Captain, now SirAMiAS, Preston
(who, not long before, came to us out of his own ship ; and she
losing us in the night, he was forced to tarry still with us) with
our long boat and pinnace, and some sixty or seventy shot in
them ; both, with a friendly letter to the islanders that they
would grant us leave to water, and we would no further
trouble them. So we departed from the Victory, for the island,
about nine o'clock in the forenoon, and rowed freshly until
about three o'clock in the afternoon. At which time, our men
being something weary with rowing, and being within a league
or two of the shore and four or five leagues from the Victory,
they espied, to their refreshing, two ships riding at anchor
hard under the town : whereupon, having shifted some six
or seven of our men into Captain Davis's boat, being too
much pestered [crowded] in our own ; and retaining with us
some twenty shot in the pinnace, we made way towards them,
with all the speed we could.
By the way, as we rowed, we saw boats passing betwixt
the roaders and the shore, and men, in their shirts, swimming
and wading to the shore ; who, as we perceived afterwards
were labouring to set those ships fast on ground : and the
inhabitants also, as busily preparing themselves for the
defence of these roaders, their island, and themselves.
"When we came near them, Captain Lister commanded
the trumpets to be sounded ; but prohibited any shot to be
discharged at them until they had direction from him : but
some of the company, either not well perceiving or regarding
.what he said, immediately, upon the sound of the trumpets,
discharged their pieces at the islanders, who, for the most
part, lay in trenches and fenced places unseen, to their own
200 Failure of the attack on St. Mary's, [^"^"igg:
best advantage : who immediately shot likewise at us, both
with small and great shot, without danger to themselves.
Notwithstanding, Captain Lister earnestly hastened for-
ward the sailors that rowed, who began to shrink at the shot
flying so fast about their ears ; and he first entering one of
the ships, that lay a little further from the shore, we speedily
followed after him into her; still plying them with our shot.
And having cut in sunder her cables and hawsers, we towed
her away with our pinnace.
In the meantime. Captain Davis his boat overtook us, and
entered into the other ship ; which also, as the former, was
forsaken by all her men. But they were constrained to leave
her, and to come again into their boat, whilst shot and stones
from the shore flew fast amongst them, finding her to stick
so fast aground that they could not stir her : which the
townsmen also perceiving, and seeing that they were but few
in number, and that we, busied about the other ship, not
coming to aid them, were preparing to have come and taken
them. But they returned to us : and so together we came
away towards the Victory, towing after us the pri^e we had
now taken ; which was lately come from Brazil, laden with
sugar.
In this fight, we had two men slain, and sixteen wounded.
And as for them, it is likely they had little hurt, lying, for the
most part, behind stone walls, which were built, one above
another, hard by the seaside, upon the end of the hill where-
upon the town stood, betwixt two valleys. Upon the top of
the hill lay their great ordnance, such as they had : where-
with they shot leaden bullets, whereof one pierced through
the prize's side, and lay still in the ship, without doing any
more harm.
The next day, we went again for water to the same island ;
but, not knowing before the inconvenience and disadvantage
of the place, where we attempted to land ; we returned
frustrate.
The samenight, 25th of October, we departed for St. George's
Island for fresh water ; whither we came on Monday following
27th of October: and having espied where a spout of water
came running down, the pinnace and long boat were presently
manned and sent under the conduct of Captain Preston and
Captain Monson; by whom, my Lord sent a letter to the
^■^IfS'] Leave Azores, 31ST of October 1589. 201
islanders as before, to grant us leave only to water, and we
would no further trouble them. Notwithstanding, our men
coming on shore, found some of the poor islanders ; who, for
fear of us, hid themselves amongst the rocks.
And on the Wednesday following [2gth], our boats returned
with fresh water; whereof they brought only six tuns for the
Victory, alleging they could get no more, thinking, as it was
supposed, that my Lord having no more provision of water
and wine, but only twelve tuns, would not go for the coast of
Spain, but straight for the coast of England; as many of our
men greatly desired. Notwithstanding, my Lord was un-
willing so to do, and was minded, the next day, to have
taken in more water ; but, through the roughness of the seas
and wind, and the unwillingness of his men, it was not done.
Yet my Lord purposed not to return with so much pro-
vision unspent ; and his voyage, as he thought, not yet
performed, in such sort as might give some reaisonable con-
tentment or satisfaction to himself and others.
Therefore, because no more water could now conveniently
be gotten, and being uncertain when it could be gotten, and
the time of our staying abroad also uncertain, the matter
being referred to the choice of the whole company, " Whether
they would tarry longer till we might be more sufficiently
provided of fresh water ; or go, by the coast of Spain, for
England, with half so much allowance of drink as before ? "
They willingly agreed that every mease [mess] should be
allowed at one meal but half so much drink as they were
accustomed, except those that were sick or wounded ; and so
to go for England, taking the coast of Spain in our way, to
see if we could, that way, make up our voyage.
Upon Saturday, 31st of October [0.5.], we sentthe Margaret,
because she leaked much, direct for England ; together with
the prize of Brazil, which we took at St. Mary's : and in
them, some of our hurt and wounded men, or men otherwise
sick, were sent home, as they desired, for England.
But we held on our course for the coast of Spain, with a
fair and a large wind; which before we seldom had. And,
upon Tuesday following, 4th of November, we espied a sail
right before us, which we chased till about three o'clock in
202 Capture three prizes off Portugal. [^' "^'^'Jf JJ
the afternoon : at which time, we on overtaking her, she
struck sail ; and being demanded, " Who was her owner, and
from whence was she?" They answered, "A Portuguese,
and from Pernambuco in Brazil."
She was a ship of some no tons burden, freighted with 410
chests of sugar, and 50 quintals [about three tons] of Brazil
wood. We took her in 29° N., about 200 leagues from
Lisbon westward. Captain Preston was presently sent unto
her ; who brought the principal of her men aboard the Victory :
and certain of our men (mariners and soldiers) were sent
aboard her. The Portuguese of this prize told us that " They
saw another ship before them, that day about noon."
Having therefore despatched all things about the prize
aforesaid, and left our long boat with Captain Davis, taking
his lesser boat with us ; we made way after this other ship,
with all the sails we could bear; holding our course due
east : and giving order to Captain Davis his ship and the
prize that they should follow us, due east ; and that if they
had sight of us, the following morning, they should follow us
still, if not, they should go for England.
The next morning, we espied not the sail which we chased ;
and Captain Davis his ship and the prize were behind us,
out of sight.
But the next, Thursday, 6th of November, being in 38° 30'
N. Lat. and about some sixty leagues from Lisbon westward,
earl}' in the morning. Captain Preston descried a sail some
two or three leagues ahead of us. After which, we presently
hastened our chase ; and overtook her about eight or nine
o'clock before noon. She came lately from St. Michael's
road ; having been before at Brazil, and was ladened with
sugar and Brazil [wood].
Having sent our boat to them, to bring some of the chief of
their men aboard the F/c/o;'_y; in the meantime, whilst they were
in coming to us, one out of the maintop espied another sail
ahead, some three or four leagues from us.
So immediately, upon the return of our boat, having sent
her back with some of our men aboard the prize ; we pursued
speedily this new chase, with all the sails w-e could pack on,
and about two o'clock in the afternoon overtook her. She
had made provision to fight with us, having hung the sides of
the ship so thick with hides, wherewith especially she was
^■^'iSG And set sail for England. 203
ladened, that musket shot could not have pierced them : but,
ere we had discharged two great pieces of our ordnance at
her, she struck sail ; and approaching nearer, we asking
"Whence they were?" They answered, "From the West
Indies, and from Mexico. From St. John de Lowe [5^. Juan
d'Ulloa, near Vera Cniz].^'
This ship was of some 300 or 400 tons, and had in her 700
hides, worth 105. [= ^^3 now] a piece ; six chests of cochineal,
every chest holding 100 lbs. weight, and every pound worth
26s. 8d. [the 600 lbs. = 3^800 then = £"4,800 now], and certain
chests of sugar and china dishes ; with some plate and silver.
The captain of her was an Italian; and, by his behaviour,
seemed to be a grave, wise, and civil man. He had put in
adventure in this ship, 25,000 ducats [= £^,700 then = about
£40,000 now].
We took him, with certain other of her chiefest men, which
were Spaniards, into the Victory : and Captain Lister, with
so many other of the chiefest of our mariners, to the number
of twenty or thereabouts, were sent into her. In the mean-
time, we staying; our other prizes which followed after, came
up to us.
And now we had our hands full, and with joy shaped our
course for England : for so it was thought meetest (having now
so many Portuguese, Spaniards, and Frenchmen amongst
us) that if we should have taken any more prizes afterwards,
we had not been well able to have manned them ; without
endangering ourselves.
So, about six o'clock in the afternoon, when our other prize
had overtaken us, we set sail for England. But our prizes
not being able to bear us company without [our] sparing them
many of our sails : which would cause our ship to roll and
wallow, in such sort as it was not only very troublesome to us ;
but, as it was thought, would have put the mainmast in danger
of falling overboard. Having acquainted them with these in-
conveniences ; we gave them direction to keep their course
together, following us, and so to come to Portsmouth.
We took this last prize in 39° N. Lat. ; and about 46
leagues westwards from the Rock [of Lisbon], She was
one of those sixteen ships, which we saw going into the
haven at Angra in Terceira, on the 8th of October. Some of
204 The Victory runs short of water. [^-^^'^I'
599.
the men that we took out of her, told us that " Whilst we
were plying up and down before that haven," as before was
showed, "expecting the coming forth of those ships ; three of
the greatest and best of them, at the appointment of the
Governor of Terceira, were unladened of their treasure and
merchandise ; and in every [each] of them, were put three
hundred soldiers, which were appointed to have come and lay
the Victory aboard in the night, and take her; but when this
should have been done ; the Victory had gone out of their
sight."
Now we went merrily before the wind, with all the sails
we could bear; insomuch that in the space of twenty-four
hours, we sailed nearly forty-seven leagues, that is, seven
score English miles, betwixt Friday at noon and Saturday at
noon ; notwithstanding the ship was very foul, and much
grown, with long being at sea : which caused some of our
company to make account they should see what running of
the tilt there should be at Whitehall, upon the Queen's Day
[ijth November]. Others were imagining what a Christmas
they would keep in England, with their shares of the prizes
we had taken. But it so befell, that we kept a cold Christmas
with the " Bishop and his Clerks ; " rocks that lie to the
westwards from Scilly [Islands], and the western parts of
England.
For, soon after, the wind scanting, came about to the
Eastward ; the worst part of the heavens for us, from which the
wind could blow ; in such sort, that we could not fetch any
part of England. And hereupon, also, our allowance of drink,
which was scant enough before, was yet more scantened,
because of the scarcity thereof: so that, now, a man was
allowed but half a pint at a meal ; and that, many times, cold
water, and scarcely sweet. Notwithstanding this was a
happy estate, in comparison to that which followed.
For from half a pint, we came to a quarter, and that lasted
not long either : so that (by reason of this great scarcity of
drink, and the contrariety of the wind) we thought to put
into Ireland, there to relieve our wants. But when we came
near thither, lying " at hull " at night (tarrying for the day-
light of the next morning, whereby we might the safelier bring
our ship into some convenient harbour there), we were driven
so far to leeward, that we could fetch no part of Ireland.
^' ^^fJg^] Endure a great extremity of thirst. 205
So as, with heavy hearts and sad cheer, we were constrained
to return back again; and expect, till it should please GOD to
send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland. In the
meantime, we were allowed every man three or four spoons'
ful of vinegar, to drink at a meal : for other drink we had
none ; saving only at two or three meals, when we had, instead
thereof, as much wine, which was wringed out of the wine
lees that remained.
With this hard fare (for by reason of our great want of
drink, we durst eat but very little), we continued /or the space
of a fortnight, or thereabouts : saving, that, now and then, we
feasted for it, in the meantime. And that was, when there
fell any hail or rain. The hailstones we gathered up, and
did eat them more pleasantly than if they had been the
sweetest comfits in the world. The rain drops were so care-
fully saved, that, so near as we could, not one was lost in all
our ship. Some hanged up sheets tied with cords by the four
corners, and a weight in the midst that the water might run
down thither; and so be received into some vessel set or hung
underneath. Some that wanted sheets, hung up napkins and
clouts, and watch them till they were thoroughly wet ; then
wringing and sucking out the water. And that water which
fell down, and washed away, the filth and soiling of the ship,
trod under foot, as bad as runneth down the kennel many
times when it raineth, was not lost, I warrant you 1 but
watched and attended carefully (yea, sometimes with strife
and contention) at every scupper hole, or other place where
it ran down, with dishes, pots, cans, jars. Some, like dogs,
with their tongues, licked the boards underfoot; the sides, rails,
and masts of the ship.
Others, that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes
about the masts, daubing tallow betwixt them and the mast,
that the rain might not run down between ; in such sort, that
those ropes or girdles hanging lower on the one side than on
the other, a spout of leather was fastened to the lowest part of
them, that all the raindrops that came running down the mast,
might meet together at that place, and there be received.
He that got a can of water by these means, was spoken
of, sued to, and envied as a rich man.
Quam pulchrum digito monstrari et dicerc hie est.
2o6 Are relieved by a storm of rain. [^"^^'i'I
ht.
599.
Some of the poor Spaniards that we had taken (who, not-
withstanding, had the same allowance that our own men had)
would come and crave of us, for the love of GOD ! but so much
water as they could hold in the hollow of their hand : and they
had it, notwithstanding our great extremity ; to teach them
some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity, both
to us and other nations heretofore. They also put bullets of
lead in their mouths, to slack their thirst.
Now, in every corner of the ship, were heard the lamentable
cries of sick and wounded men, sounding woefully in our ears ;
crying out and pitifully complaining for want of drink ; being
ready to die. Yea, many dying for lack thereof; so that, by
reason of this great extremity we lost many more men than
we had done in all the voyage before : having, before this
time, been so well and sufficiently provided for, that we lived,
in a manner, as well and as healthfully, and as few died, as if
we had been in England ; w'hereas now, lightly, every day,
some were cast overboard.
But on the 2nd of December 1589 was a festival day with us.
For then it rained a good pace, and we save some pretty store
of rain water (though we were all wet for it, and that at mid-
night), and fill our own skins full besides, notwithstanding it
were muddy and bitter with the washing of the ship ; yet
with some sugar, which we had, to sweeten it withal, it went
merrily down. Yet remembered we, and wished for with all
our hearts, many a conduit, pump, spring, and stream of clear
sweet running water in England. For how ever miserable
we had accounted some poor souls, whom we had seen driven
for thirst to drink thereof : how happy would we now have
thought ourselves, if we might have had our fills of the same!
Yet should we have fared the better with this our poor
feasting, if we might have had our meat and drink (such, and
so much as it was) stand quietly before us : but, besides all
former extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with such
horrible stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had
best hold fast his can, cup, or dish in his hands ; yea, and
himself too, many times, by the ropes, rails, or sides of the
ship, or else he should soon find all under foot.
E. wrigh^j Pluck of William Antony, the Master. 207
Herewith, our mainsail was torn from the yard, and blown
overboard quite away into the sea without recovery : and our
other sails so rent and torn, from side to side some of them, that
hardly any of them escaped whole. The raging waves and
foaming surges of the sea came rolling, like mountains, one
after another; and over-raked the waist of the ship, like a
mighty river running over it ; whereas, in fair weather, it
was nearly twenty feet above the water; and now, we might
well cry out with the poet :
Heu misero quanti monies voluntur aquarum,
Jam, jam tacturos sidera summa pntes.
Heu misero quanto subsidunt cequove valles,
Jam, jam tactura tartara nigra putes.
Yea, rather with the princely Prophet, Psalm cvii. 26 :
" They mount up to heaven, and descend to the deep; so
that their souls melteth away for trouble : they reel to and fro,
and stagger like a drunken man, and all their cunning is gone."
With this extremity of foul weather, the ship was so tossed
and shaken, that (by the cracking noise it made, and by the
leaking, which was much more than ordinary) we were in
great fear, it would have shaken in sunder. So that now
also, we had just cause to pray a little otherwise than the
poet ; though marring his verse, yet mending by the meaning.
DE US maris et cceli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt,
Solvere quassatce parcite membra ratis.
Notwithstanding, it please GOD, of His great goodness, to
deliver us out of this danger.
Then forthwith, a new mainsail was made and fastened to
the yard ; and the rest repaired, as time and place would
suffer: which we had no sooner done, but yet, again, we were
troubled with as great extremity as before. So that again,
we were like to have lost our new mainsail ; had not Master
William Antony, the Master of the ship, himself (when
none else would, or durst) ventured upon the mainyard, which
was let down close to the rails, to gather the sail up out of
the sea, and to fasten it thereto ; being in the meanwhile,
ofttimes ducked, over head and ears, in the sea.
II. 0 5
2o8 At length, reach Ventrey Harbour, ['^'^^"ifjg.
These storms were so terrible, that there were some in our
compan}', who confessed they had gone to sea for the space
of twenty years, and had never seen the like : and vowed that
if ever they returned safe home, they would never come to
sea again.
The 30th ot November, at night, we met with an English
ship, out of which (because it was too late that night) it was
agreed that we should have had the next morning, two or
three tuns of wine, which, they said, " wa? all the provision
of drink they had, save only a butt or two, which they must
needs reserve for their own use." But, after that, we heard
no more of them, till they were set on ground [landed]
upon the coast of Ireland : when it appeared that they might
have spared us much more than they pretended they could;
so that they might well have relieved our great necessities,
and have had sufficient for themselves besides, to bring them
to England.
The 1st of December, at night, we spoke with another
English ship, and had some beer out of her ; but not sufficient
to carry us to England, so, that we were constrained to put
into Ireland; the wind so serving.
The next day, we came to an anchor, not far from the
Skelitee under the land and wind ; where we had somewhat
more quiet.
But that being no safe harbour to ride in, the next morning,
we went about to weigh anchor; but, having some of our men
hurt at the capstan, we were fain to give over, and leave it
behind; holding on our course to Ventre [F(?;2/>'r_y] haven, where
we safely arrived the same day : that place being a ver}' safe
and convenient harbour for us ; that now might sing, as we
had just cause, " They that go down to the sea, &c."
So soon as we had anchored here, my Lord went forthwith
to the shore ; and brought in presently fresh water and fresh
victuals, as muttons [sJieep], pigs, hens, &c., to refresh his
company withal.
Notwithstanding, he himself had lately been very weak,
and tasted of the same extremity that his company did: for,
in the time of our former want, having a little fresh water
left him, remaining in a pot ; in the night, it was broken ;
and the water drunk, and dried up.
Soon after, the sick and wounded men were carried to the
^■^"iSi] Condition of Dingle, in Kerry; in 1589. 209
next principal town, called Dingleacush, being about three
miles to the Eastward of the foresaid haven, where our ship
rode ; that there, they might be the better refreshed : and
had the surgeons, daily to attend upon them.
Here, we well refreshed ourselves, whilst the Irish harp
sounded sweetly in our ear : and here, we, who (for the former
extremities) were, in a manner, half dead, had our lives, as
it were, restored to us again.
This Dingleacush is the chief town in all that part of
Ireland. It consisteth but of one main street, from whence
some smaller do proceed. On either side, it hath had
gates, as it seemeth, in times past ; at either end, to open
and shut as a town of war : and a Castle too. The houses
are very strongly built with thick stone walls, and narrow
windows like unto castles : for, as they confessed, in time of
trouble, by reason of the wild Irish or otherwise, they use
their houses for their defence as castles.
The Castle and all the houses in the town, save four, were
won, burnt, and ruinated by the Earl of Desmond. These
four houses fortified themselves against him ; and withstood
him and all his power, so that he could not win then. There
yet remaineth a thick stone wall, that passeth overthwart the
midst of the street; which was a part of their fortification.
Notwithstanding whilst they thus defended themselves, they
were driven, as some of them, yet alive, confessed, to as great
extremities as the Jews were, when besieged by Titus, the
Roman Emperor : insomuch that they were constrained to
eat dead men's carcases for hunger. The town is again
somewhat repaired ; but, in effect, there remain but the ruins
of the former town.
Commonly, they have no chimneys in their houses, ex-
cepting those of the better sort ; so that the smoke was very
troublesome to us, while we continued there. Their fuel is
turf, which they have very good ; and whinnes or furs. There
groweth little wood thereabouts ; which maketh building
chargeable there : as also the want of lime, as they reported ;
which they are fain to fetch from far, when they have need
thereof. But of stones, there is store enough : so that, they
commonly make their hedges, to part each man's ground from
another's, with them : and the ground seemeth to be nothing
2IO The "Sovereign" of the town of Dingle, [^•^''ifgg.
else within, but rocks and stones. Yet it is very fruitful and
plentiful of grass and grain, as may appear by the abundance
of kine and cattle there ; insomuch that we had good muttons
[sheep], though somewhat less than ours in England, for 2s.
[=i2s. now] or five groats [is. 8^. then:=ios. now] a piece;
good pigs, and hens, for 3(i. [=is. 6d. now] a piece.
Their great want is industrious, powerful, and husbandly
inhabitants to till and trim the ground ; for the common sort,
if they can provide sufficient to serve from hand to mouth,
take no further care.
Of money, as it seemeth, there is very small store amongst
them : which, perhaps, was the cause that made them
double and triple [treble] the prices of many things we
bought of them ; more than they were before our coming
thither.
Good land was here to be had for four pence [=2s. now]
the acre, yearly rent. There are mines of alum, tin, brass,
and iron. We saw stones there as clear as crystal, naturally
squared like diamonds.
That part of the country is all full of great mountains and
hills ; from whence, came running down the pleasant streams
of sweet fresh running water.
[This luscious description of Spring Water was, doubtless, excited by
the Writer's recollections of his former thirst.]
The natural hardness of that nation appeareth in this, that
their small children run usually, in the midst of winter, up
and down the streets, barefooted and bare-legged ; with no
other apparel, many times, save only a mantle to cover their
nakedness.
The chief officer of their town, they call their " Sovereign " ;
who hath the same office and authority among them, that
our Mayors have with us in England : and hath his Ser-
geants to attend upon him and bear the mace before him, as
our Mayors.
We were first entertained at the "Sovereign's" house;
which was one of the four that withstood the Earl of Desmond,
in his rebellion.
They have the same form of Common Prayer, word for word
in Latin, as we have here in England. Upon the Sunday,
the " Sovereign " cometh into the Church, with his Sergeant
^' ^^"SJ Christmas with " Bishop and his Clerks.'" 2 1 1
before him; and the Sheriffs and others of the town accompany
him : and there, they kneel down, every man by himself,
privately to make his own prayers. After this, they rise and
go out of the Church again to drink : which being done, they
returned again into the Church ; and then the Minister
beginneth Prayers.
Their manner of baptizing differeth something from ours.
Part of the service belonging thereto, is repeated in Latin ;
and part in Irish [Erse]. The Minister taketh the child in
his hands ; and first dippeth it backwards, and then forwards,
over head and ears into the cold water, in the midst of winter :
whereby also may appear their natural hardness, as before was
specified.
They had neither bell, drum, nor trumpet, to call the
parishioners together: but they expect [wait] till their
" Sovereign " comes ; and then, they that have any devotion,
follow him.
They make their bread all in cakes ; and, for the tenth part,
the bakers bake for all the town.
We had of them some ten or eleven tuns of beer, for the
Victory ; but it proved like a present [inslant] purgation to
them that took it ; so that we chose rather to drink water
than it.
The 20th of December, we loosed from hence, having
provided ourselves with fresh water, and other necessary
things ; being accompanied by Sir Edward Denny, his lady,
and two young sons.
This day, in the morning, my Lord going ashore, to des-
patch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the
Victory, the wind being very fair for us ; brought us news
that there were Sixty Spanish prizes taken, and brought to
England.
For two or three days, we had a fair wind ; but, after, it
scanted so, that, as I said before, we were fain to keep a cold
Christmas, with the " Bishop and his Clerks."
After this, we met with an English ship that brought us
the joyful news of Ninety-one Spanish prizes that were come
to England : and also sorrowful news withal, that the last
and best prize we took [that came from the West Indies, see p.
186], had suffered shipwreck at a place upon the coast of
212 Finally reach England, at Falmouth. [^•^'Ifjj:
Cornwall, which the Cornish men call Als Efferne, that is,
" Hell Gate; " and that Captain Lister and all the men in
the ship were drowned, save five or six (the one half English ;
the other, Spanish) that saved themselves with swimming.
Notwithstanding, much of the goods were saved and reserved
for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin and the worshipful gentle-
men of the countiy there.
My Lord was very sorry for Captain Lister's death ; wish-
ing that he had "lost" his voyage [i.e., come home empty
handed] to have saved his life.
The 29th of December, we met with another ship that told
us the same news ; and that Sir Martin Frobisher, and
Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and vice-admiral of
the fleet that we espied going into Terceira haven. But the
admiral was sunk, with much leaking, near the Iddy Stone
[Eddysto7ie], a rock that lieth over against Plymouth Sound;
but the men were saved. This ship also certified us, that
Captain [afterward Sir Amias] Preston's ship had taken a
prize ladened with silver.
My Lord entered presently into this ship, and went to
Falmouth ; and we held on our course for Plymouth.
At night, we came near the Ram Head, the next Cape
westward from Plymouth Sound ; but we were afraid to double
it in the night : misdoubting the scantness of the wind. So
we stood off to sea, half the night ; and towards morning, had
the wind more large, and made too little spare thereof; that
partly for this cause, and partly through mistaking the
land, we were driven so much to leeward that we could not
double that Cape.
Therefore we returned back again, and came into Falmouth
haven ; where we struck on ground, in seventeen feet of
water : but it was a low ebb, and ready again to flow, and the
ground soft ; so that no hurt was done.
Here, with gladness, we set foot again upon the long de-
sired English ground ; and refreshed ourselves, with keeping
part of Christmas upon our native soil.
A Fight at Sea,
Famously fought by the Dolphin of Lon-
don against Five of the Turks' Men
of War and a Sattee, the i 2 of
January last i6i6[-i7]; being
all vessels of great burden,
and strongly manned.
IVhereifi is showed the noble worth
and brave resolution of our
English Nation,
Written and set forth by one of the same. Voyage
that was then present, and an Eye
Witness to all the proceedings.
Printed at London for Henry Gosson^ dwelling
upon London Bridge. 1617.
215
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1
1
9
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^ inrdTni—u^^ii 1 1 la ■
""Is
A FIGHT AT SEA,
famously fought by the Dolphin of
London, against Five of the
Turks' Men of War
lgS|
^^
^mk
^m
^
He magnanimity and worthy resolution
of this our English Nation, from time to
time, endureth the true touch and trials
of the sea, in deep extremity ; whereby
other countries not only admire thereat,
but tie to the same a deserved commen-
dation. Amongst many other such like
adventures, I am emboldened to commit
to your censure the accidents of this our late voyage and
return from Zante into England : which happened as here
followeth.
Having at Zante, at the end of this last year, finished our
business, and ladened our ship for England, being named
the Dolphin of London, of the burden of 280 tons or there-
abouts; having in the same, some nineteen pieces of ordnance
and nine murderers [carronades firing bullets or miirdering-shot,
to sweep the decks when men enter] ; manned with thirty-six men
and two boys ; the Master thereof, one Master Nichols, a
man of much skill and proved experience : who, making for
England ; we came from Zante the ist of January, 1617, the
wind being north and by east.
2i6 Meet with the Pirates and Turks. [J,^^
When with a prosperous gale, by the 8th day we had
sight of the island of Sardinia; the wind being then come
westerly. The 9th, in the morning, we stood in for Gallery
[ICagliari]: andatnoon,the wind being southerly, we came close
by the Towers; where, some two leagues off, we made the fight.
Which day, at night, the wind growing calm, we sailed
towards the Cape. The loth day, we had a very little wind
or none at all, till it was two o'clock in the afternoon ; which
drave us some three leagues eastward from Cape Pola [? Pula],
Where we espied a fleet of ships upon the main of
Sardinia, near unto a road called Callery, belonging to the
King of Spain ; being the 12th of January [1617]. On which
day, in the morning's watch, we had sight of a sail making
from the shore towards us ; which drave into our minds
some doubt and fear: and coming near unto us, we espied it
to be a Sattee, which is a ship much like unto an Argosy, of
a very great burden and bigness.
Which perceiving, we imagined some more ships not to be
far off. Whereupon our Master sent one of our company up
into the maintop : where he discovered five sail of ships, one
after another, coming up before the wind, being then at
west-south-west. Who, in a prospect glass [telescope], per-
ceived them to be the Turks' Men of War. The first of
them booming [in full sail] by himself before the wind ; with
his flag in the maintop, and all his sails gallantly spread
abroad. After him, came the Admiral and Vice-Admiral ;
and after them, two more, the Rear-Admiral and his fellow.
Being five in number, all well prepared for any desperate
assault.
Whereupon, we immediately made ready our ordnance and
small shot [musketry] ; and with no little resolution prepared
ourselves to withstand them. Which being done, we went
to prayer ; and so to dinner : where our Master gave us such
noble encouragement, that our hearts ever thirsted to prove
the success.
And being in readiness for the fight, our Master went upon
the poop, and waved his sword three times ; shaking it with
such dauntless courage, as if he had already won the victory.
This being done, we seconded him with like forwardness.
Whereupon he caused his trumpets to sound ; which gave us
more encouragement than before.
2j] First Action, with two Ships. 217
Being within shot of them, our Master commanded his
Gunner to make his level and to shoot : which he did, but
missed them all. At which, the foremost of them bore up
apace, for he had the wind of us ; and returned as good as
we sent. So betwixt us, for a great time, was a most fierce
encounter ; and having the advantage of us by reason of the
wind, about eleven or twelve o'clock they laid us aboard with
one of their ships, which was of 300 tons or thereabouts.
She had in her thirty-five pieces of ordnance, and about 250
men : the Captain whereof was one Walsingham, who
seemed, by his name, to be an Englishman ; and was Admiral
of the fleet, for so it signified by the flag in his maintop.
Having, as I said, boarded our ship, he entered on the
larboard quarter : where his men, some with sabels, which we
call falchions, some with hatchets, and some with half-pikes,
stayed some half hour or thereabouts, tearing up our nail
boards [deck planks] upon the poop, and the trap hatch : but
we having a murtherer in the round house [Captain's cabin]
kept the larboard side clear : whilst our other men with the
ordnance and muskets played upon their ships. Yet for all
this, they paid our gallery with small shot, in such sort that
we stood in danger to yield.
But, at last, we shot them quite through and through, and
they us likewise : but they being afraid they should have been
sunk by us, bore ahead of our ship ; and as he passed along
we gave them a broadside, that they were forced to lay by
the lee, and to mend their leaks.
This fight continued two hours by our [hour] glass, and
better; and so near the shore, that the dwellers thereupon
saw all the beginning and ending, and what danger we stood
in. For upon the shore, stood a little house, wherein was
likewise turned a glass all the time during the fight ; which
measured the hours as they passed.
And this was Walsingham's part.
Now for Captain Kelley's ship, which came likewise up
with his flag in the maintop, and another ship with his flag
in the foretop : which ships were at least 300 tons a piece ;
and had in each of them twenty-five pieces of ordnance, and
about 250 men.
So they laid us aboard, one on the starboard quarter, and
the other on the larboard : where entering our ship thick
2i8 Two MORE Attacks are Beaten off. [J^^^
and threefold, with their scimitars, hatchets, half-pikes, and
other weapons, put us in great danger both of the loss of our
ship and our lives : for they performed much manhood, and
many dangerous hazards.
Amongst which, there was one of their company that
desperately went up into our maintop to fetch down our
flag; which being spied by the Steward of our ship, he
presently shot him with his musket that he fell headlong
into the sea, leaving the flag behind him.
So these two ships fought us with great resolution, playing
upon us with their ordnance and small shot for the space of
an hour and a half; of whom we received some hurt, and
likewise they of us. But when they saw they could not
prevail, nor any way make us to yield ; they bore up and
passed from us, to lay their ships by the lee to stop their
leaks : for we had grievously torn and battered them with
our great ordnance.
This was the second attempt they made upon us. Now
for the third.
There came two more of Captain Kelley's ships, of 250
tons a piece, that in each of them had twent5'-two pieces of
ordnance ; and at the least 200 men, as well provided as
might be. Which was, as we thought, too great a number
for us, being so few in our ship ; but GOD, that was our
friend, gave us such strength and success that they little
prevailed against us.
For at their first coming up, notwithstanding all their
multitude of men, we shot one of them quite through and
through ; and laid him likewise by the lee, as we had done
the others before. But the other ship remaining, laid us
aboard on the starboard side, and in that quarter they
entered our ship with scimitars, falchions, half-pikes, and
other weapons, running to and fro upon the deck, crying
still, in the Turkish tongue, "Yield yourselves!" "Yield
yourselves ! " promising that we should be well .used, and
have part of our goods delivered back ; with such like fair
promises.
But we, giving no ear unto them, stood stiffly in our
defence, choosing rather to die than to yield, as it is still
the nature and condition of all Englishmen; and being thus
resolved, some of our men plied our ordnance against them,
,6* J The Dolphin catches Fire. 219
some played with the small shot, some with other weapons,
as swords and half pikes and the like. In the midst of
which skirmish, it so happened, by ill chance, that our ship
was fired, and in great danger to be lost and cast away : had
not the LORD, in His mercy, preserved us ; and sent us
means happily to quench it.
But now mark the accident ! The fire being perceived by
our enemies to burn outrageously, and thinking that our
ship would have therewith been suddenly burned to the
water : they left us to our fortunes, falling astern from us.
So we put to the shore under the little house, for some
succour; where we let an anchor fall, thinking to ride there
all night : but we saw another ship bear upon us ; whereupon
we were sore frighted, and so forced to let our anchor slip,
and so set sail to get better succour, putting into the road
between the two little houses ; where we lay five days,
mending the bruises and leaks of our ship.
The losses we received in the aforesaid fight were six men
and one boy ; and there were hurt eight men and one boy
more : but the LORD doth know what damage we put them
to ; and what number we slew in their ships.
The Master of our ship being at the helm was shot twice
betwixt the legs. The Surgeon dressing the wounds of one
of our men, a ball of wild-fire fell into his basin ; which he
suddenly cast into the sea, otherwise it had greatly
endangered us.
The Turks were aboard, and sound their trumpets ; yet,
notwithstanding, our men assaulted them so fiercely that
they forced them off: and the Boatswain, seeing them fly,
most undauntedly with a whistle blowed them to the skirmish,
if so they durst.
The Captains of three of their ships were Englishmen ;
who took part with the Turks thus to rob and spoil upon the
ocean. Their names were Walsingham, Kelley, and
Sampson.
Upon the 13th of January, there came aboard certain
Spaniards, in the morning betimes ; who, seeing our dead
men, went ashore with us, and showed us where we might
bury them. But as we were busy in making their graves,
and covering the bodies with earth ; there came sailing by
a Flemish ship of 240 tons, which had in it some j^5,ooo or
220 Out of 39 English 11 die of the Fight. [2y.
^^6,000 [ = ;^25,ooo in present value], which had been chased by
those Men of War that had fought with us before. All
which money they brought in a long boat to the shore, and
left in the ship only the men, which were sixteen sailors and
two boys ; that afterwards, within two days, brought the said
ship into the road, not anything at all endangered, GOD be
praised !
Upon the 15th of the same month, when we came from
the burying of our men, and had rested ourselves in our
ship some two or three hours ; as GOD would have it, the
wind began to blow a strong gale, and by little and little
grew to a terrible tempest : through which, from Sunday
night [? igth] till Friday [? 24th] in the evening, we lay in such
extremity of weather, as rain, wind, lightning and thunder,
as we thought we should never have got clear from the road
where we lay. During which storm, there died one of our
men that had been hurt in the fight : whose body we cast
overboard into the sea, without any other burial.
So when the wind and sea a little calmed, we set up sail
and came forward : but with three days, after we buried
three men more in the sea.
And the same afternoon [? 27th] we arrived in the road of
Gallery [Cagliari], and lay at anchor : where again searching
our ship, we found it rent and torn in four several places ;
one in the gun room, another between the decks, the third
in the skereridge [? steerage'], and the fourth in the Master's
roundhouse.
So in Gallery, we mended our ship ; and hired certain men
there to help us to stop her leaks : and having all things
most fitting for our voyage homewards ; upon the 30th of
January, we committed our fortunes again unto the sea.
And so leaving Gallery, we came forward, with a Frenchman
who was bound to a place called Oristano, some thirty
leagues from Caller}' ; where, after two days, we left his
company; being the ist of February.
And after that, putting forward still towards England, we
are now, by the will of GOD, most safely arrived ; and our
ship, after so many overpassed dangers, received into the
Thames, near London : to the great joy and comfort of
the owners thereof.
GOD be praised !
Sir Francis Drake
revived ;
Calli?7g upon this dull or effeminate Age^
to follow his noble steps for gold and silver :
By this memorable Relation of the rare occurrences
(never yet declared to the world) in a Third Voyage
made by him into the West Indies, in the years
[i5]72 and [I5J73 ; when Nombre de Dios was
by him, and fifty-two others only in his
company, surprised.
Faithfully taken out of the report of Master
Christopher Ceely, Ellis Hixom, and others,
who were in the same Voyage with him ;
By Philip Nichols, Preacher.
Reviewed also by Sir Francis Drake himself,
before his death ; and much holpen and enlarged
by divers notes, with his own hand,
here and there inserted.
Set forth by Sir Francis Drake, Baronet,
(his nephew) now living.
LONDON:
Printed by E. A. for N i c h o l a s Bourne,
dwelHng at the South Entrance of the
Royal Exchange. 1626.
)i5Ae5(5/*
223
SA3i<5A55C
»4-44"»4"»^-4^4-4^4"4^4"»4-'4^4"»4-
1^ ta
To THE HIGH AND MIGHTY
CHARLES THE FIRST, of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King,
all the blessings of this, and a better life.
Most gracious Sovereign,
Hat this brief Treatise is yours, both by right and
by succession, will appear by the Author's and
Actor's ensuing Dedication. To praise either
the Mistress or the Servant, might justly incur
the censure of Quis eos unqiiam sanus vituperavit ; cither's
worth having sufficiently blazed their fame.
This Present loseth nothing, by glancing on former
actions ; and the observation of passed adventures may
probably advantage future employments. C^sar wrote his
own Commentaries \ and this Doer was partly the Inditor.
Neither is there wanting living testimony to confirm its
truth.
For his sake, then, cherish what is good ! and I shall
willingly entertain check for what is amiss. Your favour-
able acceptance may encourage my collecting of more
neglected notes ! However, though Virtue, as Lands, be
not inheritable ; yet hath he left of his Name, one that
resolves, and therein joys to approve himself
Your most humble and loyal subject,
Francis Drake [Bart.].
4^^-»4-4^4"»4^4"»4-4> ^•»4"»4"4^4-
II.
124
The Dedicatory Epistle^ intended to ^ueen
E LI ZA B E Til,
Written by Sir Francis Drake, deceased.
To the Queen's most excellent Majesty,
my most dread Sovereign.
M ADA M,
Eeing divers have diversely reported and written of
these Voyages and Actions which I have attempted
and made, every one endeavouring to bring to light
whatsoever inklings or conjectures they have had;
whereby many untruths have been published, and the certain
truth concealed : as [so] I have thought it necessary myself, as
in a Card [chart] to prick the principal points of the counsels
taken, attempts made, and success had, during the whole course of
my employment in these services against the Spaniard. Not as
setting sail for maintaining my reputation in men^s judgement,
but only as sitting at helm, if occasion shall be, for conducting
the like actions hereafter. So I have accounted it my duty, to
present this Discourse to Your Majesty, as of right; either for
itself being the firstfruits of your Servant' s pen, or for the matter,
being service done to Your Majesty by your poor vassal, against
^''' ^' ^ j^: S-] Dedicatory Epistle to Elizabeth. 225
your great Enemy : at times, in such places, and after such sort
as may seem strange to those that are not acquainted with the
whole carriage thereof ; hut will he a pleasing remembrance to
Your Highness, who take the apparent height of the Almighty's
favour towards you, by these events, as truest instruments.
Htmibly submitting myself to Your gracious censure, both in
writing and presenting ; that Posterity be not deprived of such
help as many happily be gained hereby, and our present Age,
at least, may be satisfied, in the rightfulness of these actions,
which hitherto have been silenced : and Your Servant's labour not
seem altogether lost, not only in travels by sea and land, but also
in writing the Report thereof (a work to him no less troublesome)
yet made pleasant and sweet, in that it hath been, is, and shall be
for Your Majesty's content; to whom I have devoted myself [and]
live or die.
Francis Drake [Knight].
January 1, 1592 [i.e., 1593].
^^
226 To THE COURTEOUS ReADER. [^""^ ^'^^^626!
To THE COURTEOUS ReADER*
Honest Reader,
IIthout apology, I desire thee, in this ensuing Dis-
course, to observe, with me, the power and justice of tht
LORD of Hosts, Who could enable so mea7v a person
to right himself upon so mighty a Prince; together
with the goodness and providence of GOD very observ-
able in that it pleased Him to raise this man, not only from a low
condition, but even from the state of persecution. His father
suffered in it, being forced to fly front his house, near South
Tavistock in Devon, into Kent : and there to inhabit in the hidl
of a ship, wherein many of his younger sons were born. He had
twelve in all: and as it pleased GOD to give most of them a being
upon the water, so the greatest part of them died at sea. The
youngest, who though he was [went] as far as any, yet died at home ;
whose posterity inherits that, which by himself and this twble
Gentleman the eldest brother, was hardly, yet wo)ihily gotten.
I could more largely acquaint thee, that this Voyage was his
Third he made into the West Indies ; after that [of] his excellent
service, both by sea and land, in Ireland, under Walter, Earl
of Essex; his next, about the World ; another, wherein he took
St. Jago, Cartagena, St. Domingo, St. Angustino ; his doings
at Cadiz ; besides the first Carrack taught by him to sail into
England; his stirrings in Eighty-seven ; his remarkable actions
in Eighty-eight; his endeavours in the Portugal employment;
his last enterprise, determined by death ; and his filling Plymouth
with a plentifid stream of fresh water : but I pass by all these.
I had rather thou shouldest inquire of others ! then to seem myself
a vainglorious man.
I intend not his praise I I strive only to set out the praise
of his and our good GOD ! that guided him in his truth ! and
protected him in his courses ! My ejids are to stir thee up to
the worship of GOD, and service of our King and Country, by
his example I If anything be worth thy consideration ; conclude
with me, that the LORD only, can do great things !.
Francis Drake [Barf.]
227
Sir Francis D r a ke revived i
Calling upon this dull or effeminate Age, to follow his
noble steps for gold and silver.
S THERE is a general Vengeance which
secretly pursueth the doers of wrong, and
suffereth them not to prosper, albeit no
man of purpose empeach them: so is there
a particular Indignation, engraffed in the
bosom of all that are wronged, which
ceaseth not seeking, by all means possible,
to redress or remedy the wrong received.
Insomuch as those great and mighty men, in whom their
prosperous estate hath bred such an overweening of them-
selves, that they do not only wrong their inferiors, but despise
them being injured, seem to take a very unfit course for
their own safety, and far unfitter for their rest. For as
Esop teacheth, even the fly hath her spleen, and the emmet
{ani\ is not without her choler; and both together many
times find means whereby, though the eagle lays her eggs in
Jupiter's lap, yet by one way or other, she escapeth not
requital of her wrong done [to] the emmet.
Among the manifold examples hereof, which former Ages
have committed to memory, or our Time yielded to sight :
I suppose, there hath not been any more notable then this
in hand ; either in respect of the greatness of the person by
whom the first injury was offered, or the meanness of him
who righted himself. The one being, in his own conceit,
the mightiest Monarch of all the world ! The other, an
English Captain, a mean subject of her Majesty's! Who
(beside the wrongs received at Rio de [la] Hacha with Captain
2 28 F. Drake's particular Indignation. [s^f.^dSJ
Rev. P. Nichols. ?
1593-
John Lovell in the years [15165 and [15] 66) having been
grievously endamaged at San Juan de Ulua in the Bay of
Mexico, with Captain John Hawkins, in the years [15167
and [15168, not only in the loss of his goods of some value,
but also of his kinsmen and friends, and that by the false-
hood of Don Martin Henriquez then the Viceroy of
Mexico ; and finding that no recompense could be recovered
out of Spain, by any of his own means, or by Her Majesty's
letters ; he used such helps as he might, by two several
voyages into the West Indies (the first with two ships, the
one called the Dragon, the other the Swan, in the year
[15I70: the other in the Swan alone in the year [15I71), to
gain such intelligences as might further him, to get some
amends for his loss.
And having, in those two Voyages, gotten such certain
notice of the persons and places aimed at, as he thought
requisite, and thereupon with good deliberation resolved on
a Third Voyage (the description whereof we have now in
hand) ; he accordingly prepared his ships and company, and
then taking the first opportunity of a good wind, had such suc-
cess in his proceedings, as now follows further to be declared.
On Whitsunday Eve, being the 24th of May, in the year
1572, Captain Drake in the Pascha of Plymouth of 70 tons,
his admiral [flag-ship] ; with the Swan of the same port, of
25 tons, his vice-admiral, in which his brother John Drake
was Captain (having in both of them, of men and boys
seventy-three, all voluntarily assembled ; of which the eldest
was fifty, all the rest under thirty : so divided that there were
forty-seven in the one ship, and twenty-six in the other. Both
richly furnished with victuals and apparel for a whole year ;
and no less heedfully provided of all manner of munition, artil-
lery, artificers, stuff and tools, that were requisite for such a
Man-of-war in such an attempt : but especially having three
dainty pinnaces made in Plymouth, taken asunder all in
pieces, and stowed aboard, to be set up as occasion served),
set sail, from out of the Sound of Plymouth, with intent to
land at Nombre de Dios.
The wind continued prosperous and favourable at north-
east, and gave us a very good passage, without any alteration
Rev. p. Nichols. ?
Sir F. Drake. 1593
JArrivalat Port Pheasant. 229
or change: so that albeit we had sight (3rd June) of Porto
Santo, one of the Madeiras, and of the Canaries also within
twelve days of our setting forth : yet we never struck sail,
nor came to anchor, nor made any stay for any cause, neither
there nor elsewhere, until twenty-five days after ; when (28th
June) we had sight of the island of Guadaloupe, one of the
islands of the West Indies, goodly high land.
The next morning(29th June),we entered between Dominica
and Guadaloupe, where we descried two canoes coming from
a rocky island, three leagues off Dominica; which usually
repair thither to fish, by reason of the great plenty thereof,
which is there continually to be found.
We landed on the south side of it, remaining there three
days to refresh our men ; and to water our ships out of one
of those goodly rivers, which fall down off the mountain.
There we saw certain poor cottages ; built with Palmito
boughs and branches ; but no inhabitants, at that time, civil
or savage : the cottages it may be (for we could know no
certain cause of the solitariness we found there) serving, not
for continual inhabitation, but only for their uses, that came
to that place at certain seasons to fish.
The third day after (ist July), about three in the afternoon,
we set sail from thence, toward the continent of Terra firma.
And the fifth day after (6th July), we had sight of the high
land of Santa Marta ; but came not near the shore by ten
leagues.
But thence directed our course, for a place called by us,
Port Pheasant; for that our Captain had so named it in his
former voyage, by reason of the great store of those goodly
fowls, which he and his company did then daily kill and feed
on, in that place. In this course notwithstanding we had
two days calm, yet within six days after we arrived (12th
July) at Port Pheasant, which is a fine round bay, of very safe
harbour for all winds, lying between two high points, not
past half a cable's length over at the mouth, but within, eight
or ten cables' length every way, having ten or twelve fathoms
of water more or less, full of good fish ; the soil also very
fruitful, which may appear by this, that our Captain having
been in this place, within a year and few days before [i.e., in
July, 1571] and having rid the place with many alleys and
paths made ; yet now all was so overgrown again, as that
230 Captain Garret's WARNING TO THEM. [sirF.'^DSke^°''i"5j.
i59>
we doubted, at first, whether this was the same place or
not.
At our entrance into this bay, our Captain having given
order to his brother what to do, if any occasion should happen
in his absence, was on his way, with intent to have gone
aland with some few only in his company, because he knew
there dwelt no Spaniards within thirty-hve leagues of that
place. [Santiago de] Tolou being the nearest to the east-
wards, and Nombre de Dios to the westwards, where any
of that nation dwelt.
But as we were rowing ashore, we saw a smoke in the
woods, even near the place which our Captain had aforetime
frequented; therefore thinking it fit to take more strength
with us, he caused his other boat also to be manned, with
certain muskets and other weapons, suspecting some enemy
had been ashore.
When we landed, we found by evident marks, that there
had been lately there, a certain Englishman of Plymouth,
called John Garret, who had been conducted thither by cer-
tain English mariners which had been there with our Cap-
tain, in some of his former voyages. He had now left a plate
of lead, nailed fast to a mighty great tree (greater than any
four men joining hands could fathom about) on which were
engraven these words, directed to our Captain.
Captain DRAKE!
F YOU fortune to come to this Port, make haste away I
For the Spaniards which you had with you here, the
last year, have bewrayed this place, and taken away
all that you left here.
I depart from hence, this present yth of July, 1572.
Your very loving friend,
John Garret.
The smoke which we saw, was occasioned by a fire, which
the said Garret and his company had made, before their
departure, in a very great tree, not far from this which had
the lead nailed on it ; which had continued burning at least
five days before our arrival.
This advertisement notwithstanding, our Captain meant
IrF-^bSl^y Pentagon FORT AT Port Pheasant. 231
not to depart before he had built his pinnaces ; which were
yet aboard in pieces : for which purpose he knew this port
to be a most convenient place.
And therefore as soon as we had moored our ships, our
Captain commanded his pinnaces to be brought ashore for
the carpenters to set up ; himself employing all his other
company in fortifying a place (which he had chosen out, as a
most fit plot) of three-quarters of an acre of ground, to make
some strength or safety for the present, as sufficiently as the
means he had would afford. Which was performed by fell-
ing of great trees ; bowsing and hauling them together, with
great pulleys and hawsers, until they were enclosed to the
water ; and then letting others fall upon them, until they had
raised with trees and boughs thirty feet in height round
about, leaving only one gate to issue at, near the water side ;
which every night, that we might sleep in more safety and
security, was shut up, with a great tree drawn athwart it.
The whole plot was built in pentagonal form, to wit, of five
equal sides and angles, of which angles two were toward the
sea, and that side between them was left open, for the easy
launching of our pinnaces : the other four equal sides were
wholly, excepting the gate before mentioned, firmly closed up.
Without, instead of a trench, the ground was rid [laid bare]
for fifty feet space, round about. The rest was very thick
with trees, of which many were of those kinds which are never
without green leaves, till they are dead at the root : excepting
only one kind of tree amongst them, much like to our Ash, which
when the sun cometh right over them, causing great rains,
suddenly casteth all its leaves, viz., within three days, and
yet within six days after becomes all green again. The
leaves of the other trees do also in part fall away, but so as
the trees continue still green notwithstanding: being of a mar-
vellous height, and supported as it were with five or six
natural buttresses growing out of their bodies so far, that three
men may so be hidden in each of them, that they which shall
stand in the very next buttress shall not be able to see them.
One of them specially was marked to have had seven of those
stays or buttresses, for the supporting of his greatness and
height, which being measured with a line close by the bark
and near to the ground, as it was indented or extant, was
found to be above thirty-nine yards about. The wood of
232 Captain Ranse's ship joins them. [IrF.^cS
fRev. P. Nichols. T
1593-
those trees is as heavy or heavier than Brazil or Lignum
vitcB ; and is in colour white.
The next day after we had arrived (13th July), there came
also into that bay, an English bark of the Isle of Wight, of
Sir Edward Horsey's ; wherein James Ranse was Captain
and John Overy, Master, with thirty men : of which, some
had been with our Captain in the same place, the year before.
They brought in with them a Spanish caravel of Seville,
which he had taken the day before, athwart of that place ;
being a Caravel of Adviso [Despatch boat] bound for Nombre
de Dios ; and also one shallop with oars, which he had taken
at Cape Blanc. This Captain Ranse understanding our
Captain's purpose, was desirous to join in consort with him;
and was received upon conditions agreed on between them.
Within seven days after his coming, having set up our
pinnaces, and despatched all our business, in providing all
things necessary, out of our ships into our pinnaces : we de-
parted (20th July) from that harbour, setting sail in the
morning towards Nombre de Dios, continuing our course
till we came to the Isles of Pinos : where, being within three
days arrived, we found (22nd July) two frigates of Nombre
de Dios lading plank and timber from thence.
The Negroes which were in those frigates, gave us some
particular understanding of the present state of the town ;
and besides, told us that they had heard a report, that certain
soldiers should come thither shortly, and were daily looked for,
from the Governor of Panama, and the country thereabout,
to defend the town against the Cimaroons (a black people,
which about eighty years past [i.e., 15 12] fled from the
Spaniards their masters, by reason of their cruelty, and are
since grown to a Nation, under two Kings of their own : the
one inhabiteth to the West, and the other to the East of the
Way from Nombre de Dios to Panama) which had nearly
surprised it [i.e., Nombre de Dios], about six weeks before
[i.e., about loth June, 1572J.
Our Captain willing to use those Negroes well (not hurting
himself) set them ashore upon the Main, that they might
perhaps join themselves to their countrymen the Cimaroons,
and gain their liberty if they would ; or if they would not,
yet by reason of the length and troublesomeness of the way
by land to Nombre de Dios, he might prevent any notice of
S^F.^dSS"'' 593.] 'T ^ E BOAT EXPEDITION SETS OUT. 233
his coming, which they should be able to give. For he was
loath to put the town to too much charge (which he knew
they would willingly bestow) in providing beforehand for his
entertainment ; and therefore he hastened his going thither,
with as much speed and secrecy as possibly he could.
To this end, disposing of all his companies, according as
they inclined most ; he left the three ships and the caravel
with Captain Ranse ; and chose into his four pinnaces (Cap-
tain Ranse's shallop made the fourth) beside fifty-three of
our men, twenty more of Captain Ranse's company; with
which he seemed competently furnished, to achieve what he
intended ; especially having proportioned, according to his
own purpose, and our men's disposition, their several arms,
viz., six targets, six firepikes, twelve pikes, twenty-four
muskets and calivers, sixteen bows, and six partisans, two
drums, and two trumpets.
Thus having parted (23rd July) from our company: we
arrived at the island of Cativaas, being twenty-five leagues
distant, about five days afterward (28th July). There we
landed all in the morning betimes : and our Captain trained
his men, delivering them their several weapons and arms
which hitherto he had kept very fair and safe in good caske
[casks]: and exhorting them after his manner, he declared
" the greatness of the hope of good things that was there ! the
weakness of the town, being unwalled ! and the hope he had
of prevailing to recompense his wrongs 1 especially now that
he should come with such a crew, who were like-minded with
himself; and at such a time, as he should be utterly undis-
covered."
Therefore, even that afternoon, he causeth us to set sail
for Nombre de Dios, so that before sunset we were as far as
Rio Francisco. Thence, he led us hard aboard the shore,
that we might not be descried of the Watch House, until
that being come within two leagues of the point of the bay,
he caused us to strike a hull, and cast our grappers \_grappluig
irons], riding so until it was dark night.
Then we weighed again, and set sail, rowing hard aboard
the shore, with as much silence as we could, ^ill we recovered
the point of the harbour underthe high land. There, we stayed,
all silent ; purposing to attempt the town in the dawning of
the day : after that we had reposed ourselves, for a while.
234 They assault Nombre de Dios, \Ji
p. Nichols. T
r F. Drake. 1593.
But our Captain with some other of his best men, finding
that our people were talking of the greatness of the town,
and what their strength might be ; especially by the report
of the Negroes that we took at the Isle of Pinos : thought it
best to put these conceits out of their heads, and therefore to
take the opportunity of the rising of the moon that night,
persuading them that " it was the day dawning." By this
occasion we were at the town a large hour sooner then first
was purposed. For we arrived there by three of the clock
after midnight. At what time it fortuned that a ship of
Spain, of 60 tons, laden with Canary wines and other com-
modities, which had but lately come into the bay ; and had
not yet furled her sprit-sail (espying our four pinnaces, being
an extraordinary number, and those rowing with many oars)
sent away her gundeloe [? gondola] towards the town, to give
warning. But our Captain perceiving it, cut betwixt her and
the town, forcing her to go to the other side of the bay :
whereby we landed without impeachment, although we found
one gunner upon the Platform [battery] in the very place
where we landed ; being a sandy place and no key [quay] at
all, not past twenty yards from the houses.
There we found six great pieces of brass ordnance, mounted
upon their carriages, some Demy, some Whole-Culvering.
We presently dismounted them. The gunner fled. The
town took alarm (being very ready thereto, by reason of their
often disquieting by their near neighbours the Cimaroons) ;
as we perceived, not only by the noise and cries of the people,
but by the bell ringing out, and drums running up and down
the town.
Our Captain, according to the directions which he had
given over night, to such as he had made choice of for the
purpose, left twelve to keep the pinnaces ; that we might be
sure of a safe retreat, if the worst befell. And having made
sure work of the Platform before he would enter the town, he
thought best, first to view the Mount on the east side of the
town : where he was informed, by sundry intelligences the year
before, they had an intent to plant ordnance, which might
scour round about the town.
Therefore, leaving one half of his company to make a stand
at the foot of the Mount, he marched up presently unto the top
of it, with all speed to try the truth of the report, for the more
srF.^bS!°^i593-] AND HOLD THE TOWN FOR A NIGHT. 235
safety. There we found no piece of ordnance, but only a
very fit place prepared for such use, and therefore we left it
without any of our men, and with all celerity returned now
down the Mount.
Then our Captain appointed his brother, with John Oxnam
[or OxENHAM] and sixteen other of his men, to go about, behind
the King's Treasure House, and enter near the easter[n] end
of the Market Place : himself with the rest, would pass up the
broad street into the Market Place, with sound of drum and
trumpet. The Firepikes, divided half to the one, and half to
the other company, served no less for fright to the enemy than
light of our men, who by his means might discern every place
very well, as if it were near day : whereas the inhabitants stood
amazed at so strange a sight, marvelling what the matter
might be, and imagining, by reason of our drums and trum-
pets sounding in so sundry places, that we had been a far
greater number then we were.
Yet, by means of the soldiers of which were in the town,
and by reason of the time which we spent in marching up and
down the Mount, the soldiers and inhabitants had put them-
selves in arms, and brought their companies in some order, at
the south-east end of the Market Place, near the Governor's
House, and not far from the gate of the town, which is the
only one, leading towards Panama : having (as it seems)
gathered themselves thither, either that in the Governor's
sight they might shew their valour, if it might prevail ; or
else, that by the gate, they might best take their Vale, and
escape readiest.
And to make a shew of far greater numbers of shot, or else
of a custom they had, by the like device to terrify the
Cimaroons ; they had hung lines with matches lighted, over-
thwart the wester[n] end of the Market Place, between the
Church and the Cross; as though there had been in a readi-
ness some company of shot, whereas indeed there were not
past two or three that taught these lines to dance, till they
themselves ran away, as soon as they perceived they were
discovered.
But the soldiers and such as were joined with them, pre-
sented us with a jolly hot volley of shot, beating full upon
the full egress of that street, in which we marched ; and level-
ling very low, so as their bullets ofttimes grazed on the sand.
236 The town has 360 tons of silver; [sirF-^DmS^'isgl
We stood not to answer them in like terms : but having
discharged our first volley of shot, and feathered them with
our arrows (which our Captain had caused to be made of
purpose in England ; not great sheaf arrows, but fine roving
shafts, very carefully reserved for the service) we came to
the push of pike, so that our firepikes being well armed and
made of purpose, did us verj^ great service.
For our men with their pikes and short weapons, in short
time took such order among these gallants (some using the
butt-end of their pieces instead of other weapons), that partly
by reason of our arrows which did us there notable service,
partly by occasion of this strange and sudden closing with
them in this manner unlooked for, and the rather for that at
the very instant, our Captain's brother, with the other com-
pany, with their firepikes, entered the Market Place by the
easter[n] street : they casting down their weapons, fled all out
of the town by the gate aforesaid, which had been built for a
bar to keep out of the town the Cimaroons, who had often
assailed it ; but now served for a gap for the Spaniards to fly
at.
In following, and returning; divers of our men were hurt
with the weapons which the enemy had let fall as he fled ;
somewhat, for that we marched with such speed, but more for
that the}' lay so thick and cross one on the other.
Being returned, we made our stand near the midst of the
Market Place, where a tree groweth hard by the Cross ;
whence our Captain sent some of our men to stay the ringing
of the alarm bell, which had continued all this while : but
the church being very strongly built and fast shut, they
could not without firing (which our Captain forbade) get into
the steeple where the bell rung.
In the meantime, our Captain having taken two or three
Spaniards in their flight, commanded them to shew him the
Governor's House, where he understood was the ordinary
place of unlading the moiles [mules] of all the treasure which
came from Panama by the King's appointment. Although
the silver only was kept there ; the gold, pearl, and jewels
(being there once entered by the King's officer) was carried
from thence to the King's Treasure House not far off, being
a house verj^ strongly built of lime and stone, for the safe
keeping thereof.
Diak?*i593.] ^^^ ^'^^ Treasury as much in gold 237
At our coming to the Governor's House, we found the
great door where the mules do usually unlade, even then
opened, a candle lighted upon the top of the stairs ; and a
fair gennet ready saddled, either for the Governor himself, or
some other of his household to carry it after him. By means
of this light we saw a huge heap of silver in that nether
[lower] room ; being a pile of bars of silver of, as near as we
could guess, seventy feet in length, of ten feet in breath, and
twelve feet in height, piled up against the wall, each bar
was between thirty-five and forty pounds in weight.
At sight hereof, our Captain commanded straightly that
none of us should touch a bar of silver ; but stand upon our
weapons, because the town was full of people, and there was
in the King's Treasure House near the water side, more gold
and jewels than all our four pinnaces could carry : which we
would presently set some in hand to break open, notwith-
standing the Spaniards report the strength of it.
We were no sooner returned to our strength, but there was
a report brought by some of our men that our pinnaces were
in danger to be taken; and that if we ourselves got not
aboard before day, we should be oppressed with multitude
both of soldiers and towns-people. This report had his
ground from one Diego a Negro, who, in the time of the first
conflict, came and called to our pinnaces, to know ** whether
they were Captain Drake's ? " And upon answer received,
continued entreating to be taken aboard, though he had first
three or four shot made at him, until at length they fetched
him ; and learned by him, that, not past eight days before
our arrival, the King had sent thither some 150 soldiers to
guard the town against the Cimaroons, and the town at this
time was full of people beside : which all the rather believed,
because it agreed with the report of the Negroes, which we
took before at the Isle of Pinos. And therefore our Captain
sent his brother and John Oxnam to understand the
truth thereof.
They found our men which we left in our pinnaces much
frightened, by reason that they saw great troops and com-
panies running up and down, with matches lighted, some
with other weapons, crying Que gente ? que gente ? which not
having been at the first conflict, but coming from the utter
ends of the town (being at least as big as Plymouth), came
238 Drake wounded. Thev leave the [sirF.^DSS°^is93.
many times near us ; and understanding that we were
English, discharged their pieces and ran away.
Presently after this, a mighty shower of rain, with a terrible
storm of thunder and lightning, fell, which poured down so
vehemently (as it usually doth in those countries) that before
we could recover the shelter of a certain shade or pent-
house at the western end of the King's Treasure House,
(which seemeth to have been built there of purpose to avoid
sun and rain) some of our bow-strings were wet, and some of
our match and powder hurt I which while we were careful of,
to refurnish and supply ; divers of our men harping on the
reports lately brought us, were muttering of the forces of
the town, which our Captain perceiving, told them, that " He
had brought them to the mouth of the Treasure of the World,
if they would want it, they might henceforth blame nobody
but themselves! "
And therefore as soon as the storm began to assuage of his
fury (which was a long half hour) willing to give his men no
longer leisure to demur of those doubts, nor yet allow the
enemy farther respite to gather themselves together, he stept
forward commanding his brother, with John Oxxam and the
company appointed them, to break the King's Treasure
House : the rest to follow him to keep the strength of the
Market Place, till they had despatched the business for which
they came.
But as he stepped forward, his strength and sight and
speech failed him, and he began to faint for want of blood,
which, as then we perceived, had, in great quantity, issued
upon the sand, out of a wound received in his leg in the first
encounter, whereby though he felt some pain, yet (for that he
perceived divers of the company, having already gotten many
good things, to be very ready to take all occasions, of winding
themselves out of that conceited danger) would he not have
it known to any, till this his fainting, against his will, be-
wrayed it : the blood having first filled the very prints which
our footsteps made, to the greater dismay of all our company,
who thought it not credible that one man should be able to
spare so much blood and live.
And therefore even they, which were willing to have
adventured the most for so fair a booty, would in no case
hazard their Captain's life ; but (having given him somewhat
SrF.^DSki!°''is93] Treasure of the World, to save him. 239
to drink wherewith he recovered himself, and having bound
his scarf about his leg, for the stopping of the blood) entreated
him to be content to go with them aboard, there to have his
wound searched and dressed, and then to return on shore
again if he thought good.
This when they could not persuade him unto (as who knew
it to be utterly impossible, at least very unlikely, that ever they
should, for that time, return again, to recover the state in
which they now were: and was of opinion, that it were more
honourable for himself, to jeopard his life for so great a benefit,
than to leave off so high an enterprise unperformed), they
joined altogether and with force mingled with fair entreaty,
they bare him aboard his pinnace, and so abandoned a most
rich spoil for the present, only to preserve their Captain's life:
and being resolved of him, that while they enjoyed his pres-
ence, and had him to command them, they might recover
wealth sufficient ; but if once they lost him, they should
hardly be able to recover home. No, not with that which
they had gotten already.
Thus we embarked by break of the day (29th July), having
besides our Captain, many of our men wounded, though none
slain but one Trumpeter: whereupon though our surgeons
were busily employed, in providing remedies and salves for
their wounds : yet the main care of our Captain was respected
by all the rest ; so that before we departed out of the har-
bour for the more comfort of our company, we took the afore-
said ship of wines without great resistance.
But before we had her free of the haven, they of the town
had made means to bring one of their culverins, which we
had dismounted, so as they made a shot at us, but hindered
us not from carrying forth the prize to the Isle of Bastimentos,
or the Isle of Victuals : which is an island that lieth without
the bay to the westward, about a league off the town, where
we stayed the two next days, to cure our wounded men, and
refresh ourselves, in the goodly gardens which we there found
abounding with great store of all dainty roots and fruits ; be-
sides great plenty of poultry and other fowls, no less strange
then delicate.
Shortly upon our first arrival in this island, the Governor
and the rest of his Assistants in the town, as we afterwards
understood, sent unto our Captain, a proper gentleman, of
II. Q 5
240 The Spaniards' "gold harvest where- [I^^'f.^^S
Nichols. ?
1593-
mean stature, good complexion, and a fair spoken, a princi-
pal soldier of the late sent garrison, to view in what state we
were. At his coming he protested " He came to us, of mere
good will, for that we had attempted so great and incredible
a matter with so few men : and that, at the first, they feared
that we had been French, at whose hands they knew they
should find no mercy : but after the}' perceived by our arrows,
that we were Englishmen, their fears were the less, for that
they knew, that though we took the treasure of the place,
yet we would not use cruelty toward their persons. But
albeit this his affection gave him cause enough, to come
aboard such, whose virtue he so honoured : yet the Governor
also had not only consented to his coming, but directly
sent him, upon occasion that divers of the town affirmed,
said he, 'that they knew our Captain, who the last two
years had been often on our coast, and had always used
their persons very well.' And therefore desired to know, first,
Whether our Captain was the same Captain Drake or not ?
and next. Because many of their men were wounded with
our arrows, whether they were poisoned or not ? and how
their wounds might best be cured? lastly, What victuals we
wanted, or other necessaries ? of which the Governor pro-
mised by him to supply and furnish us, as largely as he
durst."
Our Captain, although he thought this soldier but a spy :
yet used him very courteously, and answered him to his
Go\ernor's demands : that " He was the same Drake whom
they meant ! It was never his manner to poison his arrows!
They might cure their wounded by ordinary surgery ! As for
wants, he knew the Island of Bastimentos had sufficient, and
could furnish him if he listed ! but he wanted nothing but
some of that special commodity which that country yielded,
to content himself and his company." And therefore he ad-
vised the Governor " to hold open his eyes ! for before he de-
parted, if GOD lent him life and leave, he meant to reap
some of their harvset, which they get out of the earth, and
send into Spain to trouble all the earth ! "
To this answer unlocked for, this gentleman replied, " If
he might, without offence, move such a question, what should
then be the cause of our departing from that town at this
time, where was above 360 tons of silver ready for the Fleet,
Rev. P. Nichols. ?
Sir F. Drake
'°''- !,1 WITH THEY TROUBLE ALL THE WORLD." 24 I
and much more gold in value, resting in iron chests in the
King's Treasure House ? "
But when our Captain had shewed him the true cause of
his unwilling retreat aboard, he acknowledged that " we had
no less reason in departing, than courage in attempting":
and no doubt did easily see, that it was not for the town to
seek revenge of us, by manning forth such frigates or other
vessels as they had ; but better to content themselves and
provide for their own defence.
Thus, with great favour and courteous entertainment,
besides such gifts from our Captain as most contented him,
after dinner, he was in such sort dismissed, to make report of
that he had seen, that he protested, " he was never so much
honoured of any in his life."
After his departure, the Negro forementioned, being ex-
amined more fully, confirmed this report of the gold and the
silver ; with many other intelligences of importance : espe-
cially how we might have gold and silver enough, if we
would, by means of the Cimaroons, whom though he had
betrayed divers times (being used thereto by his Masters) so
that he knew they would kill him, if they got him : yet if our
Captain would undertake his protection, he durst adventure
his life, because he knew our Captain's name was most pre-
cious and highly honoured by them.
This report ministered occasion to further consultation :
for which, because this place seemed not the safest ; as being
neither the healthiest nor quietest ; the next day, in the
morning, we all set our course for the Isle of Pinos or Port
Plenty, where w^e had left our ships, continuing all that day,
and the next till towards night, before we recovered it.
We were the longer in this course, for that our Captain
sent away his brother and Ellis Hixom to the westward, to
search the River of Chagres, where himself had been the year
before, and yet was careful to gain more notice of; it being a
liver which trendeth to the southward, within six leagues of
Panama, where is a little town called Venta Cruz [Venta de
Cruzes], whence all the treasure, that was usually brought
thither from Panama by mules, was embarked in frigates
[sailing] down that river into the North sea, and so to
Nombre de Dios,
It ebbeth and floweth not far into the land, and therefore
242 CaPT. RaNSE leaves the expedition. [|rF.DSke!''^is93.
It asketh three days' rowing with a fine pinnace to pass [up]
from the mouth to Venta Cruz ; but one day and a night
serveth to return down the river.
At our return to our ships (ist August), in our consultation,
Captain Raxse (forecasting divers doubts of our safe con-
tinuance upon that coast, being now discovered) was willing
to depart ; and our Captain no less willing to dismiss him :
and therefore as soon as our pinnaces returned from Chagres
(7th August) with such advertisement as they were sent for,
about eight days before ; Captain Ranse took his leave, leaving
us at the isle aforesaid, where we had remained five or six days.
In which meantime, having put all things in a readiness,
our Captain resolved, with his two ships and three pinnaces
to go to Cartagena ; whither in sailing, we spent some six
daj's by reason of the calms which came often upon us : but
all this time we attempted nothing that we might have done
by the way, neither at [Santiago de] Tolou nor otherwhere,
because we would not be discovered.
We came to anchor with our two ships in the evening
[13th August], in seven fathom water, between the island of
Charesha [the island of Cartagena, p. 254] and St. Barnards
[San Bernardo].
Our Captain led the three pinnaces about the island, into
the harbour of Cartagena ; where at the very entry, he
found a frigate at anchor, aboard which was only one old
man ; who being demanded, ** Where the rest of his company
was ? " answered, " That they were gone ashore in their
gundeloe [? gondola or ship's boat], tha.t evening, to fight about
a mistress": and voluntarily related to our Captain that, " two
hours before night, there past by them a pinnace, with sail
and oars, as fast as ever they could row, calling to him
' Whether there had not been any English or Frenchmen
there lately ? ' and upon answer that, ' There had been
none ! ' they bid them * look to themselves ! ' That, within an
hour that this pinnace was come to the utterside [outside] of
Cartagena, there were many great pieces shot off, where-
upon one going to top, to descry what might be the cause ?
espied, over the land, divers frigates and small shipping
bringing themselves within the Castle."
This report our Captain credited, the rather for that
himself had heard the report of the ordnance at sea ; and
srF.^DSi!°''i593] Raid on the harbour of Cartagena. 243
perceived sufficiently, that he was now descried. Notwith-
standing in farther examination of this old mariner, having
understood, that there was, within the next point, a great
ship of Seville, which had here discharged her loading, and
rid now with her yards across, being bound the next morning
for Santo Domingo : our Captain took this old man into his
pinnace to verify that which he had informed, and rowed
towards this ship, which as we came near it, hailed us,
asking, " Whence our shallops were ? "
We answered, " From N ombre de Dios 1 "
Straightway they railed ! and reviled ! We gave no heed
to their words, but every pinnace, according to our Captain's
order, one on the starboard bow, the other on the starboard
quarter, and the Captain in the midship on the larboard side,
forthwith boarded her; though we had some difficulty to
enter by reason of her height, being of 240 tons. But as
soon as we entered upon the decks, we threw down the grates
and spardecks, to prevent the Spaniards from annoying us
with their close fights : who then perceiving that we were
possessed of their ship, stowed themselves all in hold with
their weapons, except two or three yonkers, which were
found afore the beetes : when having light out of our pinnaces,
we found no danger of the enemy remaining, we cut their
cables at halse, and with our three pinnaces, towed her with-
out the island into the sound right afore the town, without
[beyond the] danger of their great shot.
Meanwhile, the town having intelligence hereof, or by their
watch, took the alarm, rang out their bells, shot off about
thirty pieces of great ordnance, put all their men in a readi-
ness, horse and foot, came down to the very point of the
wood, and discharged their calivers, to impeach us if they
might, in going forth.
The next morning (14th August) our ships took two frigates,
in which there were two, who called themselves King's
Scrivanos, the one of Cartagena, the other of Veragua, with
seven mariners and two Negroes : who had been at Nombre
de Dios and were now bound for Cartagena with double
[ ? duplicate] letters of advice, to certify them that Captain
Drake had been at Nombre de Dios, had taken it ; and
had it not been that he was hurt with some blessed shot, by
all likelihood he had sacked it. He was yet still upon the
coast ; they should therefore carefully prepare for him !
244 Drake's device to sink the Swa.v, \j,^\%^i!'\lj,
After that our Captain had brought all his fleet together, at
the Scrivanos' entreaties, he was content to do them all favour,
in setting them and all their companies on shore; and so
bare thence with the islands of St. Bernards, about three
leagues of the town : where we found great store of fish for
our refreshing.
Here, our Captain considering that he was now discovered
upon the chieftest places of all the coast, and yet not mean-
ing to leave it till he had found the Cimaroons, and " made"
his voyage, as he had conceived ; which would require some
length of time, and sure manning of his pinnaces : he deter-
mined with himself, to burn one of the ships, and make the
other a Storehouse ; that his pinnaces (which could not
otherwise) might be thoroughly manned, and so he might
be able to abide any time.
But knowing the affection of his company, how loath they
were to leave either of their ships, being both so good sailers
and so well furnished ; he purposed in himself by some policy,
to make them most willing to effect that he intended. And
therefore sent for one Thomas Moone, who was Carpenter in
the S-ii-an, and taking him into his cabin, chargeth him to
conceal for a time, a piece of service, which he must in any
case consent to do aboard his own ship : that was, in the
middle of the second watch, to go down secretly into the well
of the ship, and with a spike-gimlet, to bore three holes, as
near the keel as he could, and lay something against it, that
the force of the water entering, might make no great noise, nor
be discovered by a boiling up.
Thomas Moone at the hearing hereof, being utterly dis-
mayed, desired to know " What cause there might be, to move
him to sink so good a bark of his own, new and strong ; and
that, by his means, who had been in two so rich and gainful
voyages in her with himself heretofore : If his brother, the
Master, and the rest of the company [nmnhering 26, see p. 228]
should know of such his fact, he thought verilv they would
kill him."
But when our Captain had imparted to him his cause, and
had persuaded him with promise that it should not be known,
till all of them should be glad of it : he understood it, and did
it accordingly.
The next morning [15th August] our Captain took his pinnace
lrF.^DSki°^'iS93] I^ ORDER TO MAN HIS PINNACES. 245
very early, purposing to go a fishing, for tliat there is very
great store on the coast ; and falHng aboard the Swan, calleth
for his brother to go with him, who rising suddenly, answereth
that ** He would follow presently, or if it would please him to
stay a very little, he would attend him."
Our Captain perceiving the feat wrought, would not hasten
him ; but in rowing away, demanded of them, " Why their
bark was so deep ? " as making no great account of it. But,
by occasion of this demand, his brother sent one down to the
Steward, to know " Whether there were any water in the
ship ? or what other cause might be ? "
The Steward, hastily stepping down at his usual scuttle, was
wet up to his waist, and shifting with more haste to come up
again as if the water had followed him, cried out that " The
ship was full of water ! " There was no need to hasten the com-
pany, some to the pump, others to search for the leak, which
the Captain of the bark seeing they did, on all hands, very
willingly; he followed his brother, and certified him of "the
strange chancebefallen them that night; that whereasthey had
not pumped twice in six weeks before, now they had six feet of
water in hold: and therefore hedesireth leave from attending
him in fishing, to intend the search and remedy of the leak."
And when our Captain with his company preferred [offered] to
go to help them; he answered, "They had men enough aboard,
and prayed him to continue his fishing, that they might
have some part of it for their dinner." Thus returning, he
found his company had taken great pain, but had freed the
water very little : yet such was their love to the bark, as our
Captain well knew, that they ceased not, but to the utmost
of their strength, laboured all that they might till three in
the afternoon ; by which time, the company perceiving, that
(though they had been relieved by our Captain himself and
many of his company) yet they were not able to free above a
foot and a half of water, and could have no likelihood of find-
ing the leak, had now a less liking of her than before, and
greater content to hear of some means for remedy.
Whereupon our Captain (consulting them what they
thought best to be done) found that they had more desire to
have all as he thought fit, than judgement to conceive any
means of remedy. And therefore he propounded, that him-
self would go in the pinnace, till he could provide him some
246 Pascha hid in the Gulf of DARiEN.[|^''F.^f)SJ°'^i5j3.
handsome frigate ; and that his brother should be Captain in
the admiral [flag-ship] and the Master should also be there
placed with him, instead of this : which seeing they could
not save, he would have fired that the enemy might never
recover her : but first all the pinnaces should be brought
aboard her, that every one might take out of her whatever
they lacked or liked.
This, though the company at the first marvelled at ; yet
presently it was put in execution and performed that night.
Our Captain had his desire,andmenenoughfor his pinnaces.
The next morning (i6th August) we resolved to seek out
some fit place, in the Sound of Darien, where we might safely
leave our ship at anchor, not discoverable by the enemy, who
thereby might imagine us quite departed from the coast, and
we the meantim.e better follow our purposes with our pin-
naces; of which our Captain would himself take two to Rio
Grande [Magdalena], and the third leave with his brother
to seek the Cimaroons.
Upon this resolution, we set sail presently for the said
Sound ; which within five days (21st August) we recovered:
abstaining of purpose from all such occasion, as might hinder
our determination, or bewray [betray] our being upon the coast.
As soon as we arrived where our Captain intended, and
had chosen a fit and convenient road out of all trade [to or
from any Mart] for our purpose ; we reposed ourselves there,
for some fifteen days, keeping ourselves close, that the bruit
of our being upon the coast might cease.
But in the meantime, we were not idle : for beside such
ordinary works, as our Captain, even,' month did usually
inure us to, about the trimmmg and setting of his pinnaces,
for their better sailing and rowing : he caused us to rid a
large plot of ground, both of trees and brakes, and to build us
houses sufficient for all our lodging, and one especially for
all our public meetings ; wherein the Negro which fled to us
before, did us great service, as being well acquainted with the
country, and their means of building. Our archers made
themselves butts to shoot at, because we had many that
delighted in that exercise, and wanted not a fletcher to keep
our bows and arrows in order. The rest of the compan}',
every one as he liked best, made his disport at bowls, quoits,
keiles, &c. For our Captain allowed one half of the company
Rev. P. Nichols
Sir F. Drake
J5J3.] Expedition up the Magdalena. 247
to pass their time thus, every other day interchangeable ; the
other half being enjoined to the necessary works, about our
ship and pinnaces, and the providing of fresh victuals, fish,
fowl, hogs, deer, conies, &c., whereof there is great plenty.
Here our smiths set up their forge, as they used, being
furnished out of England, with anvil, iron, coals, and all
manner of necessaries, which stood us in great stead.
At the end of these fifteen days (5th September), our Captain
leaving his ship in his brother's charge, to keep all things in
order ; himself took with him, according to his former deter-
mination, two pinnaces for Rio Grande, and passing by
Cartagena but out of sight, when we were within two leagues
of the river, we landed (8th September) to the westward ort the
Main, where we saw great store of cattle. There we found
some Indians, who asking us in friendly sort, in broken
Spanish, "What we would have? " and understanding that
we desired fresh victuals in traffic ; they took such cattle
for us as we needed, with ease and so readily, as if they had
a special commandment over them, whereas they would not
abide us to come near them. And this also they did willingly,
because our Captain, according to his custom, contented them
for their pains, with such things as they account greatly of;
in such sort that they promised, we should have there of them
at any time, what we would.
The same day, we departed thence to Rio Grande [Mag-
dalena], where we entered about three of the clock in the
afternoon. There are two entries into this river, of which
we entered the wester [n] most called Boca Chica. The freshet
[current] is so great, that we being half a league from the
mouth of it, filled fresh water for our beverage.
From three o'clock till dark at night, we rowed up the
stream ; but the current was so strong downwards, that we
got but two leagues, all that time. We moored our pinnaces
to a tree that night : for that presently, with the closing of the
evening, there fell a monstrous shower of rain, with such
strange and terrible claps of thunder, and flashes of lightning,
as made us not a little to marvel at, although our Captain had
been acquainted with such like in that country, and told us
thattheycontinueseldomlongerthanthree-quarters of anhour.
This storm was no sooner ceast, but it became very calm,
248 Capture of store of provisions. [IrF.^cSl^'isgV
and therewith there came such an innumerable multitude
of a kind of flies of that country, called mosquitoes, like our
gnats, which bite so spitefully, that we could not rest all that
night, nor find means to defend ourselves from them, by
reason of the heat of the country. The best remedy we then
found against them, was the juice of lemons.
At the break of day (9th Sept.), we departed, rowing in the
eddy, and hauling up by the trees where the eddy failed, with
great labour, by spells, without ceasing, each company their
half-hourglass : without meetingany, till about three o'clock in
the afternoon,by which time we couldgetbutfiveleaguesahead.
Then we espied a canoe, with two Indians fishing in
the river ; but we spake not to them, least so we might be
descried : nor they to us, as taking us to be Spaniards. But
within an hour after, we espied certain houses, on the other
side of the river, whose channel is twenty-five fathom deep,
and its breadth so great, that a man can scantly be discerned
from side to side. Yet a Spaniard which kept those houses,
had espied our pinnaces ; and thinking we had been his
countrymen, made a smoke, for a signal to turn that way, as
being desirous to speak with us. Afier chat, we espying this
smoke, had made with it, and were ha'f the river over, he
wheaved [waved] to us, with his hat and his long hanging
sleeves, to come ashore.
But as we drew nearer to him, and he discerned that we
were not those he looked for; he took his heels, and fled from
his houses, which we found to be, five in number, all full of
white rusk, dried bacon, that country cheese (like Holland
cheese in fashion, but far more delicate in taste, of which
they send into Spain as special presents) many sorts of
sweetmeats, and conserves ; with great store of sugar : being
provided to serve the Fleet returning to Spain.
With this store of victuals, we loaded our pinnaces ; by the
shutting in of the day, w'e were ready to depart ; for that we
hastened the rather, by reason of an intelligence given us by
certain Indian women which we found in those houses : that
the frigates (these are ordinarily thirty, or upwards, which
usually transport the merchandise, sent out of Spain to Car-
tagena from thence to these houses, and so in great canoes
up hence into Nuevo Reyno, for which, the river running
many hundred of leagues within the land serveth very fitly :
s1rF.^i)Ski°^'is93-] Drake's second port, Port Plenty. 249
and return in exchange, the gold and treasure, silver, victuals,
and commodities, which that kingdom yields abundantly)
were not yet returned from Cartagena, since the first alarm
they took of our being there.
As we were going aboard our pinnaces from these Store-
houses (loth Sept.), the Indians of a great town called
Villa del Key, some two miles distant from the water's side
where we landed, were brought down by the Spaniards into
the bushes, and shot arrows ; but we rowed down the stream
with the current (for that the wind was against us) only one
league ; and because it was night, anchored till the morning,
when we rowed down to the mouth of the river, where we
unloaded all our provisions, and cleansed our pinnaces, ac-
cording to our Captain's custom, and took it in again, and
the same day went to the Westward.
In this return, we descried a ship, a barque, and a frigate,
of which the ship and frigate went for Cartagena, but the
Barque was bound to the Northwards, with the wind easterly,
so that we imagined she had some gold or treasure going for
Spain : therefore we gave her chase, but taking her, and find-
ing nothing of importance in her, understanding that she was
bound for sugar and hides, we let her go ; and having a good
gale of wind, continued our former course to our ship and
company.
In the way between Cartagena and Tolou, we took [nth
September] five or six frigates, which were laden from
Tolou, with live hogs, hens, and maize which we call Guinea
wheat. Of these, having gotten what intelligence they could
give, of their preparations for us, and divers opinions of us,
we dismissed all the men ; only staying two frigates with us,
because they were so well stored with good victuals.
Within three days after, we arrived at the place which our
Captain chose, at first, to leave his ship in, which was called
by our Captain, Port Plenty ; by reason we brought in thither
continually all manner store of good victuals, which we took,
going that way by sea, for the victualling of Cartagena and
Nombre de Dios as also the Fleets going and coming out of
Spain. So that if we had been two thousand, yea three
thousand persons, we might with our pinnaces easily have
provided them sufficient victuals of wine, meal, rusk, cassavi
250 Make ACQUAINTANCE WITH CiMAROONS. [I'V^cS'^'^ii
(a kind of bread made of a root called Yucca, whose juice is
poison, but the substance good and wholesome), dried beef,
dried fish, live sheep, live hogs, abundance of hens, besides
the infinite store of dainty flesh fish, very easily to be taken
every day; insomuch that we were forced to build four
several magazines or storehouses, some ten, some twenty
leagues asunder; some in islands, some in the Main, provid-
ing ourselves in divers places, that though the enemy should,
with force, surprise any one, yet we might be sufficiently
furnished, till we had " made" our voyage as we did hope.
In building of these, our Negro's help was very much, as
having a special skill, in the speedy erection of such houses.
This our store was much, as thereby we relieved not only
ourselves and the Cimaroons while they were with us ; but
also two French ships in extreme want.
For in our absence. Captain John Drake, having one of
our pinnaces, as was appointed, went in with the Main, and
as he rowed aloof the shore, where he was directed by Diego
the Negro aforesaid, which willingly came unto us at Nombre
de Dios, he espied certain of the Cimaroons ; with whom he
dealt so effectually, that in conclusion he left two of our men
with their leader, and brought aboard two of theirs: agreeing
that they should meet him again the next day, at a river
midway between the Cabezas [Cabeza is Spanish for Head-
land] and our ships ; which they named Rio Diego.
These two being very sensible men, chosen out by their
commander [chief], did, with all reverence and respect, de-
clare unto our Captain, that their nation sonceited great joy
of his arrival, because they knew him to be an enemy to the
Spaniards, not only by his late being in Nombre de Dios, but
also by his former voyages; and therefore were ready to assist
and favour his enterprises against his and their enemies to
the uttermost : and to that end their captain and company
did stay at this present near the mouth of Rio Diego, to at-
tend what answer and order should be given them ; that they
would have marched by land, even to this place, but that the
way is very long, and more troublesome, by reason of many
steep mountains, deep rivers, and thick brakes : desiring
therefore, that it might please our Captain to take some order,
as he thought best, with all convenient speed in this behalf.
Our Captain considering the speech of these persons, and
I?f.^dS°'x593.] Find Cimaroons on Rio Diego. 251
weighing it with his former intelligences had not only by
Negroes, but Spaniards also, whereof he was always very
careful : as also conferring it with his brother's informations
of the great kindness that they shewed him, being lately with
them : after he had heard the opinions of those of best service
with him, " what were fittest to be done presently ? " resolved
himself with his brother, and the two Cimaroons, in his two
pinnaces, to go toward this river. As he did the same evening,
giving order, that the ship and the rest of his fleet should
the next morning follow him, because there was a place of as
great safety and sufficiency, which his brother had found out
near the river. The safety of it consisted, not only in that
which is common all along that coast from Tolou to Nombre
de Dios, being above sixty leagues, that it is a most goodly
and plentiful country, and yet inhabited not with one Spaniard,
or any for the Spaniards: but especially in that it lieth among
a great many of goodly islands full of trees. Where, though
there be channels, yet there are such rocks and shoals, that
no man can enter by night without great danger; nor by day
without discovery, whereas our ships might lie hidden within
the trees.
The next day (14th September) we arrived at this river
appointed, where we found the Cimaroons according to pro-
mise : the rest of their number were a mile up, in a wood by
the river's side. There after we had given them entertainment,
and received good testimonies of their joy and good will
towards us, we took two more of them into our pinnace,
leaving our two men with the rest of theirs, to march by land,
to another river called Rio Guana, with intent there to meet
with another company of Cimaroons which were now in the
mountains.
So we departed that day from Rio Diego, with our pinnaces,
towards our ship, as marvelling that she followed us not as
was appointed.
But two days after (i6th September), we found her in the
place where we left her ; but in far other state, being much
spoiled and in great danger, by reason of a tempest she had
in our absence.
As soon as we could trim our ship, being some two days,
our Captain sent away (i8th September) one of his pinnaces,
towards the bottom of the bay, amongst the shoals and sandy
CiMAROONS HAD SUNK MUCH GOLD. [|
Rev. P. Nichols. ♦
ir F. Drake. 1593.
islands, to sound out the channel, for the bringing in of our
ship nearer the Main.
The next day (igth September) we followed, and were with
wary pilotage, directed safely into the best channel, with
much ado to recover the road, among so many flats and
shoals. It was near about five leagues from the Cativaas,
betwixt an island and the Main, where we moored our ship.
The island was not above four cables in length from the
Main, being in quantity some three acres of ground, flat and
very full of trees and bushes.
We were forced to spend the best part of three days, after
our departure from our Port Plenty, before we were quiet in
this new found road [on Rio Diego, see, pp. 250 ««^ 251] (22nd
September), which we had but newly entered, when our two
men and the former troop of Cimaroons, with twelve others
whom they had met in the mountains, came (23rd September)
in sight over against our ship, on the Main. Whence we
fet[ched] them all aboard, to their great comfort and our
content : they rejoicing that they should have some fit oppor-
tunity to wreak their wrongs on the Spaniards ; we hoping
that now our voyage should be bettered.
At our first meeting, when our Captain had moved them,
to shew him the means which they had to furnish him with
gold and silver ; they answered plainly, that " had they known
gold had been his desire ; they would have satisfied him with
store, which, for the present, they could not do : because the
rivers, in which the}' sunk great store (which they had taken
from the Spaniards, rather to despite them than for love of
gold) were now so high, that they could not get it out of
such depths for him ; and because the Spaniards, in these
rainy months, do not use [are not accustomed] to carry their
treasure by land."
This answer although it were somewhat unlocked for; yet
nothing discontented us, but rather persuaded us farther of
their honest and faithful meaning toward us. Therefore our
Captain to entertain these five months, commanded all our
ordnance and artillery ashore, with all our other provisions:
sending his pinnaces to the Main, to bring over great trees,
to make a fort upon the same island, for the planting of all
our ordnance therein, and for our safeguard, if the enemy, in
all this time, should chance to come.
Sir F. Drake.
'V5J3.] Parting of Francis & John Drake. 253
Our Cimaroons (24th September) cut down Palmito boughs
and branches, and with wonderful speed raised up two large
houses for all our company. Our fort was then made, by
reason of the place, triangle-wise, with main timber, and earth
of which the trench yielded us good store, so that we made it
thirteen feet in height. [Fort Diego.]
But after we had continued upon this island fourteen days,
our Captain having determined, with three pinnaces, to go
for Cartagena left (7th October), his brother John Drake,
to govern these who remained behind with the Cimaroons to
finish the fort which he had begun : for which he appointed
him to fetch boards and planks, as many as his pinnaces
would carry, from the prize we took at Rio Grande, and left
at the Cativaas, where she drove ashore and wrecked in our
absence: but now she might serve commodiously, to supply
our use, in making platforms for our ordnance. Thus our
Captain and his brother took their leave ; the one to the
Eastward, and the other to the Cativaas.
That night, we came to an isle, which he called Spur-kite
land, because we found there great store of such a
kind of bird in shape, but very delicate, of which we killed
and roasted many ; staying there till the next day midnoon
(8th October), when we departed thence. And about four
o'clock recovered a big island in our way, where we stayed
all night, by reason that there was great store of fish, and
especially of a great kind of shell-fish of a foot long. We
called them Whelks.
The next morning (gth October), we were clear of these
islands and shoah, and hauled off into the sea. About four
days after (13th October), near the island of St. Bernards,
we chased two frigates ashore ; and recovering one of these
islands, made our abode there some two days (i4th-i5th
October) to wash our pinnaces and to take of the fish.
Thence we went towards Tolou, and that day (i6th October)
landed near the town in a garden, where we found certain
Indians, who delivered us their bows and arrows, and gathered
for us such fruit as the garden did yield, being many sorts of
dainty fruits and roots, [we] still contenting them for what we
received. Our Captain's principal intent in taking this and
other places by the way, not being for any other cause, but
2 54 1 8 DAYS OFF CaRTAGENA HARBOUR. [frF.^cSt^^'^isgV
onl}' to learn true intelligence of the state of the country and
of the Fleets.
Hence we departed presenth-, and rowed towards Charesha,
the island of Cartagena; and entered in at Bocha Chica,
and having the wind large, we sailed in towards the city, and
let fall our grappers \grappling irons\ betwixt the island and
the Main, right over against the goodly Garden Island. In
which, our Captain would not suffer us to land, notwithstand-
ing our importunate desire, because he knew, it might be
dangerous : for that they are wont to send soldiers thither,
when they know of any Men-of-war on the coast ; which
we found accordingly. For within three hours after, passing
by the point of the island, we had a volley of a hundred shot
from them, and yet there was but one of our men hurt.
This evening (i6th October) we departed to sea; and the
day following (17th October), being some two leagues off the
harbour, we took a bark, and found that the captain and
his wife with the better sort of the passengers, had forsaken
her, and were gone ashore in the Gundeloe \ship''s boat] : by
occasion whereof we boarded without resistance, though they
were well provided with swords and targets and some small
shot, besides four iron bases. She was 50 tons, having ten
mariners, five or six Negroes, great store of soap and sweet
meat, bound from St. Domingo to Cartagena. This Captain
left behind him a silk ancient [flag] with his arms ; as might
be thought, in hasty departing.
The next day (iSth October), we sent all the company
ashore to seek their masters, saving a young Negro two or
three years old, which we brought away; but kept the bark,
and in her, bore into the mouth of Cartagena harbour, where
we anchored.
That afternoon, certain horsemen came down to the point
by the wood side, and with the ScW^^awo fore-mentioned, came
towards our bark with a flag of truce, desiring of our
Captain's safe conduct for his coming and going; the which
being granted, he came aboard us, giving our Captain " great
thanks for his manifold favours, &c., promising that night
before daybreak, to bring as much victuals as they would
desire, what shift so ever he made, or what danger soever
incurred of law and punishment." But this fell out to
be nothing but a device of the Governor forced upon the
SirR^DS^'isgl] SkIRMISHING WITH THE SPANIARDS, 255
Scrivano, to delay time, till they might provide themselves of
sufficient strength to entrap us : for which this fellow, by his
smooth speech, was thought a fit means. So by sun rising,
(19th October), when we perceived his words but words, we
put to sea to the westward of the island, some three leagues
off, where we lay at hull the rest of all that day and night.
The next day (20th October), in the afternoon, there came
out of Cartagena, two frigates bound for St. Domingo, the
one of 58, the other of 12 tons, having nothing in them but
ballast. We took them within a league of the town, and
came to anchor with them within sacre shot of the east Bul-
wark. There were in those frigates some twelve or thirteen
common mariners, which entreated to be set ashore. To
them our Captain gave the great [er] frigate's gundeloe, and
dismissed them.
The next morning (21st October; when they came down to
the wester[n] point with a flag of truce, our Captain manned
one of his pinnaces and rowed ashore. When we were
within a cable's length of the shore, the Spaniards fled, hiding
themselves in the woods, as being afraid of our ordnance;
but indeed to draw us on to land confidently, and to presume
of our strength. Our Captain commanding the grapnell to be
cast out of the stern, veered the pinnace ashore, and as soon
as she touched the sand, he alone leapt ashore in their sight,
to declare that he durst set his foot a land : but stayed not
among them, to let them know, that though he had not
sufficient forces to conquer them, yet he had sufficient judge-
ment to take heed of them.
And therefore perceiving their intent, as soon as our Cap-
tain was aboard, we hauled off upon our grapner and rid awhile.
They presently came forth upon the sand[s], and sent a
youth, as with a message from the Governor, to know, " What
our intent was, to stay upon the coast ? "
Our Captain answered, " He meant to traffic with them ; for
he had tin, pewter, cloth, and other merchandise that they
needed."
The youth swam back again with this answer, and was
presently returned, with another message: that, "The King
had forbidden to traffic with any foreign nation for any com-
modities, except powder and shot ; of which, if he had any
store, they would be his merchants."
256 M ANCEUVRES & COUNTER M ANCEU VRES. [sirF.^bSct.°''i'5J:
1593-
He answered, that " He was come from his country, to
exchange his commodities for gold and silver, and is not
purposed to return without his errand. They are like, in his
opinion, to have little rest, if that, by fair means, they would
not traffic with him."
He gave this messenger a fair shirt for a reward, and so
returned him : who rolled his shirt about his head and swam
very speedily.
We heard no answer all that day ; and therefore toward
night we went aboard our frigates and reposed ourselves,
setting and keeping very orderly all that night our watch,
with great and small shot.
The next morning (22nd October) the wind, which had been
westerly in the evening, altered to the Eastward.
About the dawning of the day, we espied two sails turning
towards us, whereupon our Captain weighed with his pinnaces,
leaving the two frigates unmanned. But when we were
come somewhat nigh them, the wind calmed, and we were
fain to row towards them, till that approaching very nigh,
we saw many heads peering over board. For, as we per-
ceived, these two frigates were manned and set forth out of
Cartagena, to fight with us, and, at least, to impeach or
busy us ; whilst by some means or other they might recover
the frigates from us.
But our Captain prevented both their drifts. For com-
manding John Oxnam to stay with the one pinnace, to enter-
tain these two Men-of-war; himself in the other made such
speed, that he got to his frigates which he had left at anchor;
and caused the Spaniards (who in the meantime had gotten
aboard in a small canoe, thinking to have towed them within
the danger of their shot) to make greater haste thence, than
Lhey did thither.
For he found that in shifting thence, some of them were
fain to swim aland (the canoe not being able to receive them)
and had left their apparel, some their rapiers and targets,
some their flasks and calivers behind them ; although they
were towing away of one of them.
Therefore considering that we could not man them, we
sunk the one, and burnt the other, giving them to understand
by this, that we perceived their secret practices.
This being done, he returned to John Oxnam ; who all this
Rev
Sir
f.^dSS°^i593.1 Driven from Cartagena by storms. 257
while lay by the Men-of-war without proffering to fight. And
as soon as our Captain was come up to these frigates, the
wind blew much from the sea, so that, we being betwixt the
shore and them, were in a manner forced to bear room into
the harbour before them, to the great joy of the Spaniards;
who beheld it ; in supposing, that we would still have fled
before them. But as soon as we were in the harbour, and
felt smooth water, our pinnaces, as we were assured of, getting
the wind, we sought with them upon the advantage, so that
after a few shot exchanged, and a storm rising, they were
contented to press no nearer. Therefore as they let fall their
anchors, we presently let drop our grapner in the wind of
them : which the Spanish soldiers seeing, considering the
disadvantage of the wind, the likelihood of the storm to con-
tinue, and small hope of doing any good, they were glad to
retire themselves to the town.
But by reason of the foul and tempestuous weather, we
rode therein four days, feeling great cold, by reason we had
such sore rains with westerly wind, and so little succour in
our pinnaces.
The fifth day (27th October) there came in a frigate from
the sea, which seeing us make towards her, ran herself
ashore, unhanging her rudder and taking away her sails,
that she might not easily be carried away. But when we
were come up to her, we perceived about a hundred horse
and foot, with their furniture, come down to the point of the
Main, where we interchanged some shot with them. One of
our great shot passed so near a brave cavalier of theirs, that
thereby they were occasioned to advise themselves, and re-
treat into the woods : where they might sufficiently defend
and rescue the frigate from us, and annoy us also, if we
stayed long about her.
Therefore we concluded to go to sea again, putting forth
through Boca Chica, with intent to take down our masts, upon
hope of fair weather, and to ride under the rocks called Las
Serenas, which are two leagues off at sea, as we had usually
done aforetime, so that they could not discern us from the
rocks. But, there, the sea was mightily grown, that we were
forced to take the harbour again ; where we remained six
days, notwithstanding the Spaniards grieved greatly at our
abode there so long.
258 Exposure and starvation at sea. [s^j.^bSS"'''
1593-
They put (2nd November) another device in practice to
endanger us.
For they sent forth a great shallop, a fine gundeloe, and a
great canoe, with certain Spaniards with shot, and many
Indians with poisoned arrows, as it seemed, with intent to
begin some fight, and then to fly. For as soon as we rowed
toward them and interchanged shot, they presently retired and
went ashore into the woods, where an ambush of some sixty
shot were laid for us : besides two pinnaces and a frigate
warping towards us, which were manned as the rest. They
attempted us very boldly, being assisted by those others,
which from out of the wood, had gotten aboard the gundeloe
and canoe, and seeing us bearing from them (which we did in
respect of the anibuscado), they encouraged themselves and
assured their fellow^ s of the day.
But our Captain weighing this their attempt, and being
out of danger of their shot from the land, commanding his
other pinnace to be brought ahead of him, and to let fall their
grapners each ahead the other, environed both the pinnaces
with bonnets, as for a close fight, and then wheaved [waved]
them aboard him.
They kept themselves upon their oars at caliver-shot dis-
tance, spending powder apace ; as we did some two or three
hours. We had only one of our men w-ounded in that fight.
^^'hat they had is unknown to us, but we saw their pinnaces
shot through in divers places, and the powder of one of them
took fire ; whereupon we weighed, intending to bear room to
overrun them : which they perceiving, and thinking that we
would have boarded them, rowed away amain to the defence
they had in the wood, the rather because they were disap-
pointed of their help that they expected from the frigate ;
which was warping towards us, but by reason of the much
wind that blew, could not come to offend us or succour them.
Thus seeing that we were still molested, and no hope re-
mained of any purchase to be had in this place an}' longer;
because we were now so notably made known in those parts,
and because our victuals grew scant : as soon as the weather
waxed somewhat better (the wind continuing always westerly,
so that we could not return to our ships) our Captain thought
best to go (3rd November) to the Eastward, towards Rio
Grande [Magdalena] long the coast, where we had been before,
and found great store of victuals.
lrF.^i>Ske.°''i593-] Repulse at Santa Marta. 250
But when after two days' sailing, we were arrived (5th
November) at the villages of store, where before we had
furnished ourselves with abundance of hens, sheep, cahes,
hogs, &c. ; now we found bare nothing, not so much as any
people left : for that they, by the Spaniards' commandments,
had fled to the mountains, and had driven away all their
cattle, that we might not be relieved by them. Herewith
being very sorry, because much of our victuals in our pinnaces
was spoilt by the foul weather at sea md rains in harbour.
A frigate being descried at sea revived us, and put us in some
hope for the time, that in her we sliouid find sufficient ; and
thereupon it may easily be guessed, how much we laboured
to recover her : but when we had boarded her, and understood
that she had neither meat nor money, but that she was
bound for Rio Grande to take in provision upon bills, our great
hope converted into grief.
We endured with our allowance seven or eight days more,
proceeding to the Eastward, and bearing room for Santa
Marta, upon hope to find some shipping in the road, or
limpets on the rocks, or succour against the storm in that
good harbour. Being arrived ; and seeing no shipping; we
anchored under the wester[nj point, where is high land, and,
as we thought, free in safety from the town, which is in the
bottom of the bay: not intending to land there, because we
knew that it was fortified, and that they had intelligence
of us.
But the Spaniards (knowing us to be Men-of-war, and
misliking that we should shroud under their rocks without
their leave) had conveyed some thirty or forty shot among the
cliffs, which annoyed us so spitefully and so unrevengedly,
for that they lay hidden behind the rocks, but we lay open to
them, that we were soon weary of our harbour, and enforced
(for all the storm without and want within) to put to sea.
Which though these enemies of ours were well contented
withal, yet for a farewell, as we came open of the town, they
sent us a culverin shot ; which made a near escape, for it fell
between our pinnaces, as we were upon conference of what
was best to be done.
The company advised that if it pleased him, they might put
themselves a land, some place to the Eastward to get victuals,
and rather hope for courtesy from the country-people, than
26o They take a Spanish bark, [I^^F.^cSfe
fRev. P. Nichols, t
1593-
continue at sea, in so long cold, and great a storm in so leaky
a pinnace. But our Captain would in no wise like of that
advice ; he thought it better to bear up towards Rio de [laj
Hacha, or Corigao [Curacao], with hope to have plenty without
great resistance : because he knew, either of the islands were
not very populous, or else it would be very likely that there
would be found ships of victual in a readiness.
The company of the other pinnace answered, that '' They
would willingly follow him through the world ; but in
this they could not see how either their pinnaces should live
in that sea, without being eaten up in that storm, or they
themselves able to endure so long time, with so slender
provision as they had, viz., only one gammon of bacon and
thirty pounds of biscuit for eighteen men."
Our Captain replied, that '' They were better provided than
himself was, who had but one gammon of bacon, and forty
pounds of biscuit for his twenty-four men ; and therefore he
doubted not but they would take such part as he did, and
willingly depend upon GOD's Almighty providence, which
never faileth them that trust in Him."
With that he hoisted his foresail, and set his course for
Cori9ao ; which the rest perceiving with sorrowful hearts in
respect of the weak pinnace, yet desirous to follow their
Captain, consented to take the same course.
We had not sailed past three leagues, but we had espied a
sail plying to the Westward, with her two courses, to our
great joy: who vowed together, that we would have her, or
else it should cost us dear.
Bearing with her, we found her to be a Spanish ship of
above go tons, which being wheaved [waved] amain by us,
despised our summons, and shot off her ordnance at us.
The sea \vent very high, so that it was not for us to at-
tempt to board her, and therefore we made fit small sail to
attend upon her, and keep her company to her small content,
till fairer weather might lay the sea. We spent not past two
hours in our attendance, till it pleased GOD, after a great
shower, to send us a reasonable calm, so that we might use
our pieces [i.e., bases] and approach her at pleasure, in such sort
that in short time we had taken her; finding her laden with
victuals well powdered [salted] and dried : which at that
present we received as sent us of GOD's great mercy.
srF.^l)rak?°'i'593] ^^ WHICH THEY OBTAIN PROVISIONS. 26 1
After all things were set in order, and that the wind in-
creased towards night, we plied off and on, till day (13th
November), at what time our Captain sent in Ellis
HixoM, who had then charge of his pinnace, to search out
some harbour along the coast ; who having found out a
little one, some ten or twelve leagues to the east of Santa
Marta, where in sounding he had good ground and sufficient
water, presently returned, and our Captain brought in his
new prize. Then by promising liberty, and all the apparel
to the Spaniards which we had taken, if they would bring us
to water and fresh victuals ; the rather by their means, we
obtained of the inhabitants (Indians) what they had, which
was plentiful. These Indians were clothed and governed by
a Spaniard, which dwelt in the next town, not past a league
off. We stayed there all day, watering and wooding, and
providing things necessary, by giving content and satisfac-
tion of the Indians. But towards night our captain called
all of us aboard (only leaving the Spaniards lately taken in
the prize ashore, according to our promise made them, to
their great content ; who acknowledged that our Captain did
them a far greater favour in setting them freely at liberty,
than he had done them displeasure in taking their ship), and
so set sail.
The sickness which had begun to kindle among us, two or
three days before, did this day shew itself, in Charles Glub,
one of our Quarter-Masters, a very tall man, and a right good
mariner; taken away, to the great grief both of Captain and
company. What the cause of this malady was, we knew
not of certainty, we imputed it to the cold which our men
had taken, lying without succour in the pinnaces. But how-
soever it was, thus it pleased GOD to visit us, and yet in
favour to restore unto health all the rest of our company,
that were touched with this disease ; which were not a few.
The next morning (15th November) being fair weather,
though the wind continued contrary, our Captain commanded
the Minion, his lesser pinnace, to hasten away before him
towards his ships at Fort Diego within the Cabegas [Head-
lands] to carry news of his coming, and to put all things in a
readiness for our land journey, if they heard anything of the
Fleet's arrival by the Cimaroons ; giving the Minion charge
if they wanted wine, to take St. Bernards in their way, and
262 How John Drake was killed. [sirF.^D^^Js.
there take in some such portion as the}^ thought good, of |j
the wines which we had there hidden in the sand, m
We pHed to windwards, as near as we could, so that within ■
seven-night after the Minion departed from us, we came *
(22nd November) to St. Bernards, finding but twelve botijos
of wine of all the store we left, which had escaped the
curious search of the enemy, who had been there ; for they
were deep in the ground.
Within four or five days after, we came (27th November)
to our ship, where we found all other things in good order;
but received very heavy news of the death of John Drake,
our Captain's brother, and another young man called Richard
Allen, which w^ere both slain at one time (9th October), as
they attempted the boarding of a frigate, within two days
after our departing from them.
The manner of it, as we learned by examination of the
company, was this. When they saw this frigate at sea,
as they were going towards their fort with planks to make
the platforms, the company were very importunate on
him, to give chase and set upon this frigate, which they
deemed had been a fit booty for them. But he told them,
that they *' wanted weapons to assail ; the}' knew not how
the frigate was provided, they had their boats loaded with
planks, to finish that his brother had commanded." But
wdien this would not satisfy them, but that still they urged
him with words and supposals : " If you will needs," said he,
"adventure! it shall never be said that I will be hindmost,
neither shall you report to my brother, that you lost your
voyage by any cowardice you found in me ! "
Thereupon every man shifted as they might for the time :
and heaving their planks overboard, took them such poor
weapons as they had : viz., a broken pointed rapier, one old
visgee, and a rusty caliver : John Drake took the rapier, and
made a gauntlet of his pillow, Richard Allen the visgee, both
standing at the head of the pinnace, called Eton. Robert
took the caliver and so boarded. But they found the frigate
armed round about with a close fight of hides, full of pikes
and calivers, which were discharged in their faces, and
deadly wounded those that were in the fore-ship, John
Drake in the belly, and Richard Allen in the head. But
I^F.^'D^'si] H O W J O S E P H D R A K E D I E D . 263
notwithstanding their wounds, they with oars shifted off the
pinnace, got clear of the frigate, and with all haste recovered
their ship : where within an hour after, this young man of great
hope, ended his days, greatly lamented of all the company.
Thus having moored our ships fast, our Captain resolved
to keep himself close without being descried, until he might
hear of the coming of the Spanish Fleet ; and therefore set
no more to sea; but supplied his wants, both for his own
company and the Cimaroons, out of his foresaid magazine,
beside daily out of the woods, with wild hogs, pheasants, and
guanas: continuing in health (GOD be praised) all the mean-
time, which was a month at least ; till at length about the
beginning of January, half a score of our company fell down
sick together (3rd Jan. 1573), and the most of them died within
two or three days. So long that we had thirty at a time sick
of this calenture, which attacked our men, either by reason of
the sudden change from cold to heat, or by reason of brackish
water which had been taken in by our pinnace, through the
sloth of their men in the mouth of the river, not rowing
further in where the water was good.
Among the rest, Joseph Drake, another of his brethren,
died in our Captain's arms, of the same disease: of which,
that the cause might be the better discerned, and consequently
remedied, to the relief of others, by our Captain's appoint-
ment he was ripped open by the surgeon, who found his
liver swollen, his heart as it were sodden, and his guts all
fair. This was the first and last experiment that our Cap-
tain made of anatomy in this voyage.
The Surgeon that cut him open, over-lived him not past
four days, although he was not touched with that sickness,
of which he had been recovered about a month before : but
only of an over-bold practice which he would needs make
upon himself, by receiving an over-strong purgation of his
own device, after which taken, he never spake ; nor his Boy
recovered the health which he lost by tasting it, till he saw
England.
The Cimaroons, who, as is before said, had been enter-
tained by our Captain in September last, and usually repaired
to our ship, during all the time of our absence, ranged
the country up and down, between Nombre de Dios and us,
to learn what they might for us ; whereof they gave our
264 The famous march to Panama, of [srF.^DSke^'''*i593.
Captain advertisement, from time to time ; as now parti-
cularly, certain of them let him understand, that the Fleet
had certainly arrived in N ombre de Dios.
Therefore he sent (30th January) the Lion, to the seamost
islands of the Cativaas, to descry the truth of the report :
by reason it must needs be, that if the Fleet were in Nombre
de Dios, all frigates of the country would repair thitherward
with victuals.
The Lion, within few days descried that she was sent for,
espying a frigate, which she presently boarded and took,
laden with maize, hens, and pompions from Tolou ; who
assured us of the whole truth of the arrival of the Fleet :
in this frigate were taken one woman and twelve men, of
whom one was the Scrivano of Tolou. These we used very
courteously, keeping them diligently guarded from the deadly
hatred of the Cimaroons ; who sought daily by all means they
could, to get them of our Captain, that the}' might cut their
throats, to revenge their wrongs and injuries which the
Spanish nation had done them : but our Captain persuaded
them not to touch them, or give them ill countenance, while
they were in his charge ; and took order for their safety, not
only in his presence, but also in his absence. For when he
had prepared to take his journey for Panama, by land; he gave
Ellis Hixom charge of his own ship and company, and
especially of those Spaniards whom he had put into the great
prize, which was hauled ashore to the island, which we
termed Slaughter Island (because so many of our men died
there), and used as a storehouse for ourselves, and a prison
for our enemies.
All things thus ordered, our Captain conferring with his
company, and the chiefest of the Cimaroons, what provisions
were to be prepared for this great and long journey, what
kind of weapons, what store of victuals, and what manner of
apparel : was especially advised, to carry as great store of
shoes as possible he might, by reason of so many rivers with
stone and gravel as they were to pass. Which, accordingly
providing, prepared his company for that journey, entering
it upon Shrove-Tuesday (3rd February). At what time,
there had died twenty-eight of our men, and a few whole
men were left aboard with Ellis Hixom to keep the ship,
and attend the sick, and guard the prisoners.
srF.^DSi!°''i59V] ^^ Englishmen and 30 Cimaroons. 265
At his departure our Captain gave this Master straight
charge, in any case not to trust any messenger, that should
come in his name with any tokens, unless he brought his
handwriting : which he knew could not be counterfeited by
the Cimaroons or Spaniards.
We were in all forty-eight, of which eighteen only were
English ; the rest were Cimaroons, which, beside their arms,
bare every one of them, a great quantity of victuals and
provision, supplying our want of carriage in so long a march,
so that we were not troubled with anything but our furni-
ture. And because they could not carry enough to suffice
us altogether ; therefore (as they promised before) so by the
way with their arrows, they provided for us competent store
from time to time.
They have every one of them two sorts of arrows : the one
to defend himself and offend the enemy, the other to kill his
victuals. These for fight are somewhat like the Scottish
arrow ; only somewhat longer, and headed with iron, wood,
or fish bones. But the arrows for provision are of three sorts,
the first serveth to kill any great beast near [at] hand, as ox,
stag, or wild boar: this hath a head of iron of a pound and
a half weight, shaped in form like the head of a javelin or
boar-spear, as sharp as any knife, making so large and deep
a wound as can hardly be believed of him that hath not seen
it. The second serveth for lesser beasts, and hath a head
of three-quarters of a pound : this he most usually shooteth.
The third serveth for all manner of birds : it hath a head of
an ounce weight. And these heads though they be of iron
only, yet are they so cunningly tempered, that they will con-
tinue a very good edge a long time : and though they be
turned sometimes, yet they will never or seldom break. The
necessity in which they stand hereof continually causeth
them to have iron in far greater account than gold : and no
man among them is of greater estimation, than he that can
most perfectly give this temper unto it.
Every day we were marching by sun-rising. We con-
tinued till ten in the forenoon : then resting (ever near some
river) till past twelve, we marched till four, and then by
some river's side, we reposed ourselves in such houses, as
266 Marching through the woods. [srF.^DS°'i5j.
sgy
either we found prepared heretofore by them, when they
travelled through these woods, or they daily built very
readily for us in this manner.
As soon as we came to the place where we intended to
lodge, the Cimaroons, presently laying down their burdens,
fell to cutting of forks or posts, and poles or rafters, and pal-
mito boughs, or plaintain leaves ; and with great speed set
up to the number of six houses. For every of which, they
first fastened deep into the ground, three or four great posts
with forks : upon them, they laid one transom, which was
commonly about twenty feet, and made the sides, in the
manner of the roofs of our country houses, thatching it close
with those aforesaid leaves, which keep out water a long
time : observing always that in the lower ground, where
greater heat was, they left some three or four feet open
unthatched below, and made the houses, or rather roofs,
so many feet the higher. But in the hills, where the air
was more piercing and the nights cold, they made our rooms
always lower, and thatched them close to the ground, leaving
only one door to enter in, and a lover [louvre] hole for a
vent, in the midst of the roof. In every [onej of these, they
made four several lodgings, and three fires, one in the midst,
and one at each end of every house : so that the room was
most temperately warm, and nothing anno3'ed with smoke,
partly by reason of the nature of the wood which they use
to burn, yielding very little smoke, partly by reason of their
artificial making of it : as firing the wood cut in length like
our billets at the ends, and joining them together so close,
that though no flame or fire did appear, yet the heat
continued without intermission.
Near many of the rivers where we stayed or lodged, we
found sundry sorts of fruits, which we might use with great
pleasure and safety temperatel}^: Mammeas, Guayvas, Pal-
mitos, Pinos, Oranges, Lemons, and divers other; from eating
of which, they dissuaded us in any case, unless we eat very
fewof them, andthose first dry roasted, as Plantains, Potato[e]s,
and such like.
In journeying, as oft as by chance they found any wild
swine, of which those hills and valleys have store, they would
ordinarily, six at a time, deliver their burdens to the rest of
their fellows, pursue, kill and bring away after us, as much
srF.^bSS°^'i5i] ^^^ CiMAROONS, AND THEIR TOWNS. 267
as they could carry, and time permitted. One day as we
travelled, the Cimaroons found an otter, and prepared it to be
drest: our Captain marvelling at it, Pedro, our chief Cima-
roon, asked him, " Are you a man of war, and in want ; and
yet doubt whether this be meat, that hath blood ? "
Herewithal our Captain rebuked himself secretly, that he
had so slightly considered of it before.
The third day of our journey (6th February), they brought
us to a town of their own, seated near a fair river, on the side
of a hill, environed with a dyke of eight feet broad, and a thick
mud wall of ten feet high, sufficient to stop a sudden surpriser.
It had one long and broad street, lying east and west,
and two other cross streets of less breadth and length : there
were in it some five or six and fifty households ; which were
kept so clean and sweet, that not only the houses, but the
very streets were very pleasant to behold. In this town we
saw they lived very civilly and cleanly. For as soon as we
came thither, they washed themselves in the river; and
changed their apparel, as also their women do wear, which was
very fine and fitly made somewhat after the Spanish fashion,
though nothing so costly. This town is distant thirty-five
leagues from Nombre de Dios and forty-five from Panama.
It is plentifully stored with many sorts of beasts and fowl,
with plenty of maize and sundry fruits.
Touching their affection in religion, they have no kind
of priests, only they held the Cross in great reputation. But
at our Captain's persuasion, they were contented to leave
their crosses, and to learn the Lord's Prayer, and to be
instructed in some measure concerning GOD's true worship.
They keep a continual watch in four parts, three miles off
their town, to prevent the mischiefs, which the Spaniards
intend against them, by the conducting of some of their own
coats [i.e., Cimaroons], which having been taken by the
Spaniards have been enforced thereunto : wherein, as we
learned, sometimes the Spaniards have prevailed over them,
especially when they lived less careful ; but since, they
[watch] against the Spaniards, whom they killed like beasts,
as often as they take them in the woods ; having aforehand
understood of their coming.
We stayed with them that night, and the next day (7th
February) till noon ; during which time, they related unto
268 The order of the daily march. [srF.^i)Ski°'^i59;
us divers very strange accidents, that had fallen out between
them and the Spaniards, namely [especially] one. A gallant
gentleman entertained by the Governors of the country, under-
took, the year last past [1572], with 150 soldiers, to putthis town
to the sword, men, women, and children. Being conducted
to it by one of them, that had been taken prisoner, and won by
great gifts ; he surprised it half an hour before day, by which
occasion most of the men escaped, but many of their women
and children were slaughtered, or taken : but the same
morning by sun rising (after that their guide was slain, in
following another man's wife, and that the Cimaroons had
assembled themselves in their strength) they behaved them-
selves in such sort, and drove the Spaniards to such extremity,
that what with the disadvantage of the woods (having lost
their guide and thereby their way), what with famine and
want, there escaped not past thirty of them, to return answer
to those which sent them.
Their king [chief] dwelt in a city within sixteen leagues
south-east of Panama; which is able to make 1,700 fighting
men.
They all intreated our Captain very earnestly, to make his
abode with them some two or three days ; promising that by
that time, they would double his strength if he thought good.
But he thanking them for their offer, told them, that " He
could stay no longer ! It was more than time to prosecute
his purposed voyage. As for strength, he would wish no
more than he had, although he might have presently twenty
times as much ! " Which they took as proceeding not only
from kindness, but also from magnanimity ; and therefore,
they marched forth, that afternoon, with great good will.
This was the order of our march. Four of those Cimaroons
that best knew the ways, went about a mile distance before
us, breaking boughs as they went, to be a direction to those
that followed ; but with great silence, which they also
required us to keep.
Then twelve of them were as it were our Vanguard, other
twelve, our Rearward. We with their two Captains in the
midst.
All the way was through woods very cool and pleasant, by
reason of those goodly and high trees, that grow there so
thick, that it is cooler travelling there under them in that
irF.^bfakS°'*isJ3] Drake's first sight of the Pacific. 269
hot region, than it is in the most parts of England in the
summer time. This [also] gave a special encouragement
unto us all, that we understood there was a great Tree about
the midway, from which, we might at once discern the
North Sea from whence we came, and the South Sea whither
we were going.
The fourth day following (nth February) we came to the
height of the desired hill, a very high hill, lying East and
West, like a ridge between the two seas, about ten of the
clock : where [Pedro] the chiefest of these Cimaroons took
our Captain by the hand, and prayed him to follow him, if he
was desirous to see at once the two seas, which he had so
long longed for.
Here was that goodly and great high Tree, in which they
had cut and made divers steps, to ascend up near unto the
top, where they had also made a convenient bower, wherein
ten or twelve men might easily sit : and from thence we
might, without any difficulty, plainly see the Atlantic Ocean
whence now we came, and the South Atlantic [i.e., Pacific
Ocean] so much desired. South and north of this Tree, they
had felled certain trees, that the prospect might be the clearer;
and near about the Tree there were divers strong houses,
that had been built long before, as well by other Cimaroons as
by these, which usually pass that way, as being inhabited
in divers places in those waste countries.
After our Captain had ascended to this bower, with the
chief Cimaroon, and having, as it pleased GOD, at that time,
by reason of the brize [breeze], a very fair day, had seen that
sea, of which he had heard such golden reports: he "besought
Almighty GOD of His goodness, to give him life and leave
to sail once in an English ship, in that sea ! " And then
calling up all the rest of our [17 English] men, he acquainted
John Oxnam especially with this his petition and purpose,
if it would please GOD to grant him that happiness. Who
understanding it, presently protested, that " unless our
Captain did beat him from his company, he would follow
him, by GOD's grace ! ''
Thus all, thoroughly satisfied with the sight of the seas,
descended; and after our repast, continued our ordinary
march through woods, yet two days more as before : without
any great variety. But then (13th February) we came to
270 Arrival close to Panama. [IrF-^oS
Nichols. T
1593-
march in a champion countiy, where the grass groweth, not
only in great lengths as the knot grass groweth in many
places, but to such height, that the inhabitants are fain to
burn it thrice in the year, that it may be able to feed the
cattle, of which they have thousands.
For it is a kind of grass with a stalk, as big as a great
wheaten reed, which hath a blade issuing from the top of
it, on which though the cattle feed, yet it groweth every
day higher, until the top be too high for an ox to reach.
Then the inhabitants are wont to put fire to it, for the space
of five or six miles together ; which notwithstanding after
it is thus burnt, within three days, springeth up fresh like
green corn. Such is the great fruitfulness of the soil : by
reason of the evenness of the da\' and night, and the rich
dews which fall every morning.
In these three last days' march in the champion, as we
past over the hills, we might see Panama five or six times a
day ; and the last day (14th February) we saw the ships
riding in the road.
But after that we were come within a day's journey of
Panama, our Captain (understanding by the Cimaroons that
the Dames of Panama are wont to send forth hunters and
fowlers for taking of sundry dainty fowl, which the land
yieldeth ; by whom if we marched not very heedfuUy, we
might be descried) caused all his company to march out of
all ordinary way, and that with as great heed, silence, and
secrecy, as possibly they might, to the grove (which was
agreed on four days before) lying within a league of
Panama, where we might lie safely undiscovered near the
highway, that leadeth from thence to Nombre de Dios.
Thence we sent a chosen Cimaroon, one that had served a
master in Panama before time, in such apparel as the
Negroes of Panama do use to wear, to be our espial, to go
into the town, to learn the certain night, and time of the
night, when the carriers laded the Treasure from the King's
Treasure House to Nombre de Dios. For they are wont to
take their journey from Panama to Venta Cruz, which is six
leagues, ever by night ; because the country is all champion,
and consequently by day very hot. But from Venta Cruz to
Nombre de Dios as oft as they travel by land with their
treasure, they travel always by day and not by night,
iirF.^bSe°''i59V] March thence to Venta de Cruzes. 271
because all that way is full of woods, and therefore very
fresh and cool ; unless the Cimaroons happily encounter
them, and made them sweat with fear, as sometimes they
have done : whereupon they are glad to guard their Recoes
[i.e., Recuas, the Spanish word for a drove of beasts of burden ;
meaning here, a mule train,] with soldiers as they pass that
way.
This last day, our Captain did behold and view the most
of all that fair city, discerning the large street which lieth
directly from the sea into the land. South and North.
By three of the clock, we came to this grove ; passing for
the more secrecy alongst a certain river, which at that time
was almost dried up.
Having disposed of ourselves in the grove, we despatched
our spy an hour before night, so that by the closing in of
the evening, he might be in the city ; as he was. Whence
presently he returned unto us, that which very happily he
understood by companions of his. That the Treasurer of
Lima intending to pass into Spain in the first Advise (which
was a ship of 350 tons, a very good sailer), was ready that
night to take his journey towards Nombre de Dios, with his
daughter and family : having fourteen mules in company :
of which eight were laden with gold, and one with jewels.
And farther, that there were two other Recnas, of fifty mules
in each, laden with victuals for the most part, with some
little quantity of silver, to come forth that night after the
other.
There are twenty-eight of these Recuas ; the greatest of
them is of seventy mules, the less of fifty ; unless some
particular man hire for himself, ten, twenty, or thirty, as he
hath need.
Upon this notice, we forthwith marched four leagues, till
we came within two leagues of Venta Cruz, in which march
two of our Cimaroons which were sent before, by scent of
his match, found and brought a Spaniard, whom they had
found asleep by the way, by scent of the said match, and
drawing near thereby, heard him taking his breath as he
slept ; and being but one, they fell upon him, stopped his
mouth from crying, put out his match, and bound him so,
that they well near strangled him by that time he was
brought unto us.
S 5
272 Prepare to capture the mule trains. [srF.'DSct°'i593-
By examining him, we found all that to be true, which our
spy had reported to us, and that he was a soldier entertained
with others by the Treasurer, for guard and conduct of this
treasure, from Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios.
This soldier having learned who our Captain was, took
courage, and was bold to make two requests unto him. The
one that " He would command his Cimaroons which hated
the Spaniards, especially the soldiers extremely, to spare his
life; which he doubted not but they would do at his charge."
The other was, that " seeing he was a soldier, and assured
him, that they should have that night more gold, besides
jewels, and pearls of great price, then all they could carry
(if not, then he was to be dealt with how they would) ; but if
they all found it so, then it might please our Captain to give
unto him, as much as might suffice for him and his mistress
to live upon, as he had heard our Captain had done to divers
others : for which he would make his name as famous as
any of them which had received like favour."
Being at the place appointed, our Captain with half his men
[8 English and 15 Cimaroons], lay on one side of the way, about
fifty paces off in the long grass ; John Oxnam with the Captain
of the Cimaroons, and the other half, lay on the other side
of the way, at the like distance : but so far behind, that as
occasion served, the former company might take the foremost
mules by the heads, and the hindmost because the mules tied
together, are always driven one after another ; and especially
that if we should have need to use our weapons that night, we
might be sure not to endamage our fellows. We had not
lain thus in ambush much above an hour, but we heard the
Recuas coming both from the city to Venta Cruz, and from
Venta Cruz to the city, which hath a very common and great
trade, when the fleets are there. We heard them by reason
they delight much to have deep-sounding bells, which, in a
still night, are heard very far off.
Now though there were as great charge given as might be,
that none of our men should shew or stir themselves, but
let all that came from Venta Cruz to pass quietly ; yea, their
Recuas also, because we knew that they brought nothing but
merchandise from thence : yet one of our men, called
Robert Pike, having drunken too much aqtia vitce without
water,forgot himself, and enticing a Cimaroon forth with him
sirF.DSL'e'°'U.] Robert Pike spoils all. 273
was gone hard to the way, with intent to have shown his
forwardness on the foremost mules. And when a cavaHer
from Venta Cruz, well mounted, with his page running at
his stirrup, passed by, unadvisedly he rose up to see what he
was : but the Cimaroon of better discretion pulled him down,
and lay upon him, that he might not discover them any more.
Yet by this, the gentleman had taken notice by seeing one
half all in white : for that we had all put our shirts over our
other apparel, that we might be sure to know our own men
in the pell mell in the night. By means of this sight, the
cavalier putting spurs to his horse, rode a false gallop ; as
desirous not only himself to be free of this doubt which he
imagined, but also to give advertisement to others that they
might avoid it.
Our Captain who had heard and observed by reason of the
hardness of the ground and stillness of the night, the change
of this gentleman's trot to a gallop, suspected that he was
discovered, but could not imagine by whose fault, neither
did the time give him leisure to search. And therefore con-
sidering that it might be, by reason of the danger of the
place, well known to ordinary travellers : we lay L>till in ex-
pectation of the Treasurer's coming; and he had come forward
to us, but that this horseman meeting him, and (as we after-
wards learnt by the other Recuas) making report to him, what
he had seen presently that night, what he heard of Captain
Drake this long time, and what he conjectured to be most
likely : viz., that the said Captain Drake, or some for him,
disappointed of his expectation, of getting any great treasure,
both at Nombre de Dios and other places, was by some
means or other come by land, in covert through the woods,
unto this place, to speed of his purpose : and thereupon per-
suaded him to turn his Recua out of the way, and let the
other Recttas which were coming after to pass on. They
were whole Recuas, and loaded but with victuals for the most
part, so that the loss of them were far less if the worst befell,
and yet they should serve to discover them as well as the best.
Thus by the rechlessness of one of our company, and by
the carefulness of this traveller ; we were disappointed of a
most rich booty : which is to be thought GOD would not
should be taken, for that, by all likelihood, it was well gotten
by that Treasurer.
2/4 They march to Venta de Cruzes, [|rF.DSke'!°'i593.
The other two Rcciias were no sooner come up to us, but
being stayed and seized on. One of the Chief Carriers, a very
sensible fellow, told our Captain by what means we were
discovered, and counselled us to shift for ourselves betimes,
unless we were able to encounter the whole force of the city
and country before day would be about us.
It pleased us but little, that we were defeated of our golden
Recua, and that in these we could find not past some two'
horse-loads of silver : but it grieved our Captain much more,
that he was discovered, and that by one of his own men.
But knowing it bootless to grieve at things past, and having
learned by experience, that all safety in extremity, consisteth
in taking of time [i.e., by the forc/ock, making an instant^
decision] : after no long consultation with Pedro the chief
of our Cimaroons, who declared that ''there were but two
ways for him : the one to travel back again the same
secret way they came, for four leagues space into the woods,
or else to march forward, by the highway to Venta Cruz,
being two leagues, and make a way with his sword through
the enemies." He resolved, considering the long and weary
marches that we had taken, and chiefly that last evening and
day before : to take now the shortest and readiest way : as
choosing rather to encounter his enemies while he had
strength remaining, than to be encountered or chased when
we should be worn out with weariness : principally now
having the mules to ease them that would, some part of the
way.
Therefore commanding all to refresh themselves moderately
with such store of victuals as we had here in abundance : he
signified his resolution and reason to them all : asking Pedro
by name, " Whether he would give his hand not to forsake
him ? " because he knew that the rest of the Cimaroons would
also then stand fast and firm, so faithful are they to their
captain. He being very glad of his resolution, gave our
Captain his hand, and vowed that " He would rather die at
his foot, than leave him to the enemies, if he held this course."
So having strengthened ourselves for the time, we took our
journey towards Venta Cruz, with help of the mules till we
came within a mile of the town, where we turned away the
Recuas, charging the conductors of them, not to follow us
upon pain of their lives.
lrl^bS°''-593.1 AND TAKE IT BY ASSAULT. 275
There, the way is cut through the woods, ahove ten or
twelve feet broad, so as two Recuas may pass one by another.
The fruitfuhiess of the soil, causeth that with often shredding
and ridding the way, those woods grow as thick as our thickest
hedges in England that are oftenest cut.
To the midst of this wood, a company of soldiers, which
continually lay in that town, to defend it against the Cima-
roons, were come forth, to stop us if they might on the way ;
if not, to retreat to their strength, and there to expect us.
A Convent [Monastery] of Friars, of whom one was become
a Leader, joined with these soldiers, to take such part as they
did.
Our Captain understanding by our two Cimaroons, which
with great heedfulness and silence, marched now, but about
half a flight-shot before us, that it was time for us to arm
and take us to our weapons, for they knew the enemy
was at hand, by smelling of their match and hearing of a
noise : had given us charge, that no one of us should make
any shot, until the Spaniards had first spent their volley :
which he thought they would not do before they had spoken,
as indeed fell out.
For as soon as we were within hearing, a Spanish Captain
cried out, " Hoo ! " Our Captain answered him likewise,
and being demanded " Que gente ? " replied " Englishmen ! "
But when the said Commander charged him, " In the name
of the King of Spain, his Master, that we should yield our-
selves ; promising in the word and faith of a Gentleman
Soldier, that if we would so do, he would use us with all
courtesy." Our Captain drawing somewhat near him said :
" That for the honour of the Queen of England, his Mistress,
he must have passage that way," and therewithal discharged
his pistol towards him.
Upon this, they presently shot off their whole volley ;
which, though it lightly wounded our Captain, and divers of
our men, yet it caused death to one only of our company
called John Harris, who was so powdered with hail-shot,
(which they all used for the most part as it seemed, or else
"quartered," for that our men were hurt with that kind) that
we could not recover his life, though he continued all that
day afterwards with us.
Presently as our Captain perceived their shot to come
276 Drake's usual respect for women. [irF.'D^l!°^i59-
1593-
slacking, as the latter drops of a great shower of rain, with
his whistle he gave us his usual signal, to answer them with
our shot and arrows, and so march onwards upon the
enemy, with intent to come to handy-strokes, and to have
joined with them; whom when we found retired as to a place of
some better strength, he increased his pace to prevent them
if he might. Which the Cimaroons perceiving, although by
terror of the shot continuing, they were for the time stept
aside ; yet as soon as they discerned by hearing that we
marched onward, they all rushed forward one after another,
traversing the way, with their arrows ready in their bows,
and their manner of country dance or leap, very singing, Y6
peho ! Y6 peho! and so got before us, where they continued
their leap and song, after the manner of their own countr}'
wars, till they and we overtook some of the enemy, who
near the town's end, had conveyed themselves within the
woods, to have taken their stand at us, as before.
But our Cimaroons now thoroughl_y encouraged, when they
saw^ our resolution, brake in through the thickets, on both
sides of them, forcing them to fly. Friars and all ! : although
divers of our men were wounded, and one Cimaroon especially
was run through with one of their pikes, whose courage and
mind served him so well notwithstanding, that he revenged
his own death ere he died, by killing him that had given him
that deadly wound.
We, with all speed, following this chase, entered the town
of Venta Cruz, being of about forty or fifty houses, which had
both a Governor and other officers and some fair houses,
with many storehouses large and strong for the wares, which
brought thither from Nombre de Dios, by the river of Chagres,
so to be transported by mules to Panama : beside the Monas-
tery, where we found above a thousand bulls and pardons,
newly sent from Rome.
In those houses we found three gentlewomen, which had
lately been delivered of children there, though their dwellings
were in Nombre de Dios; because it hath been observed of
long time, as they reported to us, that no Spaniard or white
woman could ever be delivered in Nombre de Dios with
safety of their children but that within two or three days
they died ; notwithstanding that being born and brought up
in this Venta Cruz or Panama five or six years, and then
srF.^DS°'i59V] Forced marches back to the ships. 277
brought to Nombre de Dios, if they escaped sickness the
first or second month, they commonly lived in it as healthily
as in any other place : although no stranger (as they say)
can endure there any long time, without great danger of
death or extreme sickness.
Though at our first coming into the town with arms so
suddenly, these ladies were in great fear, yet because our
Captain had given straight charge to all the Cimaroons (that
while they were in his company, they should never hurt any
woman nor man that had not a weapon in his hand to do
them hurt ; which they earnestly promised, and no less faith-
fully performed) they had no wrong offered them, nor any
thing taken from them, to the worth of a garter; wherein,
albeit they had indeed sufficient safety and security, by those
of his company, which our Captain sent unto them, of pur-
pose to comfort them : yet they never ceased most earnestly
entreating, that our Captain would vouchsafe to come to
them himself for their more safety ; which when he did, in
their presence reporting the charge he had first given, and
the assurance of his men, they were comforted.
While the guards which we had, not without great need,
set, as well on the bridge which we had to pass over, as at the
town's end where we entered (they have no other entrance
into the town by land : but from the water's side there is
one other to carry up and down their merchandise from their
frigates) gained us liberty and quiet to stay in this town
some hour and half : we had not only refreshed ourselves,
but our company and Cimaroons had gotten some good
pillage, which our Captain allowed and gave them (being not
the thing he looked for) so that it were not too cumbersome
or heavy in respect of our travel, or defence of ourselves.
A little before we departed, some ten or twelve horsemen
came from Panama ; by all likelihood, supposing that we were
gone out of this town, for that all was so still and quiet,
came to enter the town confidently : but finding their enter-
tainment such as it was ; they that could, rode faster back
again for fear than they had ridden forward for hope.
Thus we having ended our business in this town, and the
day beginning to spring, we marched over the bridge,
observing the same order that we did before. There we
were all safe in our opinion, as if we had been environed
278 How Drake encourages his men. [I^F-DrS
Rev. P. Nichols. ♦
1.S93.
with wall and trench, for that no Spaniard without his
extreme danger could follow us. The rather now, for that
our Cimaroons were grown very valiant. But our Captain
considering that he had a long way to pass, and that he had
been now well near a fortnight from his ship, where he had
left his company but weak by reason of their sickness,
hastened his journeys as much as he might, refusing to visit
the other Cimaroon towns (which they earnestly desired
him) and encouraging his own company with such example
and speech, that the way seemed much shorter. For he
marched most cheerfully, and assured us that he doubted
not but ere he left that coast, we should all be bountifully
paid and recompensed for all those pains taken : but by
reason of this our Captain's haste, and leaving of their towns,
we marched many days with hungry stomachs, much against
the will of our Cimaroons : who if we would have stayed any
da}' from this continual journeying, would have killed for us
victuals sufficient.
In our absence, the rest of the Cimaroons had built a little
town within three leagues off the port where our ship lay.
There our Captain was contented, upon their great and earnest
entreaties to make some stay ; for that they alleged, it was
only built for his sake. And indeed he consented the rather,
that the want of shoes might be supplied by means of the
Cimaroons, who were a great help unto us : all our men com-
plaining of the tenderness of their feet, whom our Captain
would himself accompany in their complaint, some times
without cause, but some times with cause indeed ; which made
the rest to bear the burden the more easily.
These Cimaroons, during all the time that we were with
burden, did us continually very good service, and in particular
in this journey, being unto us instead of intelligencers, to
advertise us ; of guides in our way to direct us ; of purveyors,
to provide victuals for us ; of house-wrights to build our
lodgings ; and had indeed able and strong bodies carrying
all our necessaries : yea, many times when some of our com-
pany fainted with sickness of weariness, two Cimaroons
would carry him with ease between them, two miles together,
and at other times, when need was, they would shew them-
selves no less valiant than industrious, and of good judgement.
lrF.^braki°''i59V] Drake's GOLDEN toothpick, a token. 279
From this town, at our first entrance in the evening, on
Saturday (22nd February), our Captain despatched a Cimaroon
with a token and certain order to the Master : who had, these
three weeks, kept good watch against the enemy, and shifted
in the woods for fresh victual, for the relief and recovery of
our men left aboard.
As soon as this messenger M'as come to the shore, calling
to our ship, as bringing some news, he was quickly fet[ched]
aboard by those which longed to hear of our Captain's speed-
ing: but when he showed the toothpike of gold, which he said
our Captain had sent for a token to Ellis Hixom, with charge
to meet him at such a river: though the Master knew well
the Captain's toothpike ; yet by reason of his admonition
and caveat [warning] given him at parting, he (though he
bewrayed no sign of distrusting the Cimaroon) yet stood as
amazed, least something had befallen our Captain otherwise
than well. The Cimaroon perceiving this, told him, that it
was night when he was sent away, so that our Captain could
not send any letter, but yet with the point of his knife, he
wrote something upon the toothpick, "which," he said,
" should be sufficient to gain credit to the messenger."
Thereupon, the Master looked upon it, and saw written,
By me, Francis Drake : wherefore he believed, and accord-
ing to the message, prepared what provision he could, and
repaired to the mouth of the river of Tortugos, as the
Cimaroons that went with him then named it.
That afternoon towards three a clock, we were come down
to that river, not past half-an-hour before we saw our pin-
nace ready come to receive us : which was unto us all a
double rejoicing : first that we saw them, and next, so soon.
Our Captain with all our company praised GOD most heartily,
for that we saw our pinnace and fellows again.
We all seemed to these, who had lived at rest and plenty
all this while aboard, as men strangely changed (our Captain
yet not much changed) in countenance and plight : and in-
deed our long fasting and sore travail might somewhat fore-
pine and waste us ; but the grief we drew inwardly, for that
we returned without that gold and treasure we hoped for, did
no doubt show her print and footsteps in our faces.
The rest of our men which were then missed, could not
travel so well as our Captain, and therefore were left at the
28c Final return from Panama. [f^F.^bS "''isJa.
Indian new town : and the next day (23rd February') we
rowed to another river in the bottom of the bay and took
them all aboard. Thus being returned from Panama, to the
great rejoicing of ourcompan}', who were thoroughly revived
with the report we brought from thence : especially under-
standing our Captain's purpose, that he meant not to leave
off thus, but would once again attempt the same journey,
whereof they also might be partakers.
Our Captain would not, in the meantime, suffer this edge
and forwardness of his men to be dulled or rebated, by lying
still idly unemployed, as knowing right well by continual
experience, that no sickness was more noisome to impeach
any enterprise than delay and idleness.
Therefore considering deeply the intelligences of other
places of importance thereabouts, which he had gotten the
former years ; and particularly of Veragua, a rich town
lying to the Westward, between Nombre de Dios and
Nicaragua, where is the richest mine of fine gold that is on
this North side : he consulted with his company touching
their opinions, what was to be done in this meantime, and
how they stood affected ?
Some thought, that *' It was most necessary to seek supply
of victuals, that we might the better able to keep our rnen
close and in health till our time came : and this was easy to
be compassed, because the frigates with victuals went without
great defence, whereas the frigate and barks with treasure,
for the most part were wafted with great ships and store of
soldiers."
Others yet judged, "We might better bestow our time in
intercepting the frigates of treasure ; first, for that our
magazines and storehouses of victuals were reasonably fur-
nished, and the country itself was so plentiful, that every
man might provide for himself if the worst befell : and
victuals might hereafter be provided abundantly as well as
now : whereas the treasure never floateth upon the sea, so
ordinarily as at this time of the Fleets being there, which
time in no wise may be neglected."
The Cimaroons being demanded also their opinion (for that
they were experienced in the particularities of all the towns
srF.^DSkJ°^is9V] Pezoro, the monster and miser. 281
thereabouts, as in which some or other of them had served),
declared that " by Veragua, Signior Pezoro (some time their
master from whom they fled) dwelt ; not in the town for fear
of some surprise, but yet not far off from the town, for his
better relief ; in a very strong house of stone, where he had
dwelt nineteen years at least, never travelling from home ;
unless happily once a year to Cartagena, or Nombre de
Dios when the Fleets were there. He keepeth a hundred
slaves at least in the mines, each slave being bound to bring
in daily, clear gain (all charges deducted) three Pesos of Gold
for himself and two for his women (Ss. 3d. the Peso), amount-
ing in the whole, to above ;£"200 sterling |":=-^i,6oo now] each
day : so that he hath heaped a mighty mass of treasure to-
gether, which he keepeth in certain great chests, of two feet
deep, three broad, and four long: being (notwithstanding all
his wealth) bad and cruel not only to his slaves, but unto
all men, and therefore never going abroad but with a guard
of five or six men to defend his person from danger, which
he feareth extraordinarily from all creatures."
" And as touching means of compassing this purpose, they
would conduct him safely through the woods, by the same
ways by which they fled, that he should not need to enter their
havens with danger, but might come upon their backs alto-
gether unlooked for. And though his house were of stone,
so that it could not be burnt ; yet if our Captain would under-
take the attempt, they would undermine and overthrow, or
otherwise break it open, in such sort, as we might have easy
access to his greatest treasure."
Our Captain having heard all their opinions, concluded so
that by dividing his company, the two first different sentences
were both reconciled, both to be practised and put in use.
John Oxnam appointed in the Bear, to be sent Eastward
towards Tolou, to see what store of victuals would come
athwart his half; and himself would to the Westward in the
Minion, lie off and on the Cabezas, where was the greatest
trade and most ordinary passage of those which transported
treasure from Veragua and Nicaragua to the Fleet; so that no
time might be lost, nor opportunity let slip either for victuals
or treasure. As for the attempt of Veragua, or Signior
Pezoro's house by land, by marching through the woods ; he
liked not of, lest it might overweary his men by continual
282 They attempt Veragua, but are seen. [firF.^DSS!
Rev. P. Nichols ♦
1593
labour ; whom he studied to refresh and strengthen for his
next service forenamed.
Therefore using our Cimaroons most courteously, dis-
missing those that were desirous to their wives, with such
gifts and favours as were most pleasing, and entertaining
those still aboard his ship, which were contented to abide
with the company remaining ; the pinnaces departed as we
determined: the Minion to the West, the Bear to the East.
The Minion about the Cabecas, met with a frigate of
Nicaragua, in which was some gold, and a Genoese Pilot (of
which nation there are many in those coasts), which had
been at Veragua not past eight days before. He being very
well entreated, certified our Captain of the state of the town,
and of the harbour, and of a frigate that was there ready
to come forth within few days, aboard which there was
above a million of gold, offering to conduct him to it, if
we would do him his right : for that he knew the channel
very perfectly, so that he could enter by night safely without
danger of the sands and shallows, though there be but little
water, and utterly undescried ; for that the town is five leagues
within the harbour, and the way by land is so far about and
difficult through the woods, that though we should by any
casualty be discovered, about the point of the harbour, yet
we might despatch our business and depart, before the town
could have notice of our coming.
At his being there, he perceived the}' had heard of Drake's
being on the coast, which had put them in great fear, as in
all other places (Pezoro purposing to remove himself to the
South Sea ! ) : but there was nothing done to prevent him,
their fear being so great, that, as it is accustomed in such
cases, it excluded counsel and bred despair.
Our Captain, conferring with his own knowledge and former
intelligences, was purposed to have returned to his ship, to
have taken some of those Cimaroons which had dwelt with
Signior Pezoro, to be the more confirmed in this point.
But when the Genoese Pilot was very earnest, to have the
time gained, and warranted our Captain of good speed, if we
delayed not ; he dismissed the frigate, somewhat lighter to
hasten her journey ! and with this Pilot's advice, laboured
with sail and oars to get this harbour and to enter it by
night accordingly: considering that this frigate might now
srF.^bSe.°''i593] ^ French ship heaves in sight. 283
be gained, and Pezoro's house attempted hereafter notwith-
standing.
But when we were come to the mouth of the harbour, we
heard the report of two Chambers, and farther off about a
league within the bay, two other as it were answering them :
whereby the Genoese Pilot conjectured that we were dis-
covered : for he assured us, that this order had been taken
since his last being there, by reason of the advertisement
and charge, which the Governor of Panama had sent to all
the Coasts ; which even in their beds lay in great and con-
tinual fear of our Captain, and therefore by all likelihood,
maintained this kind of watch, at the charge of the rich
Gnuffe Pezoro for their security.
Thus being defeated of this expectation, we found it was
not GOD's will that Ave should enter at that time: the rather
for that the wind, which had all this time been Easterly,
came up to the Westward, and invited us to return again to
our ship ; where, on Sheere Thursday (19th March), we met,
according to appointment, with our Bear, and found that
she had bestowed her time to more profit than we had done.
For she had taken a frigate in which there were ten men
(whom they set ashore) great store of maize, twenty-eight
fat hogs, and two hundred hens. Our Captain discharged
(20th March) this frigate of her lading ; and because she was
new, strong, and of a good mould, the next day (21st March)
he tallowed her to make her a i\Ian-of-war : disposing all our
ordnance and provisions that were fit for such use, in her.
For we had heard by the Spaniards last taken, that there
were two little galleys built in Nombre de Dios, to waft the
Chagres Fleet to and fro, but were not yet both launched :
wherefore he purposed now to adventure for that Fleet.
And to hearten his company he feasted them that Easter-
Day (22nd March) with great cheer and cheerfulness, setting
up his rest upon that attempt.
The next day (23rd March) with the new tallowed frigate
of Tolou [not of 20 ions, p. 294 ; one of ths two frigates in
which the Expedition returned to England], and his Bear, we
set sail towards the Cativaas, where about two days after
we landed, and stayed till noon ; at what time seeing a sail
to the westward, as we deemed making to the island : we
set sail and plied towards him, who descrying us, bare with
284 Captain Tet^, of Havre, joins them. [sirF.^bSke'!°'i59;
us, till he perceived by our confidence, that we were no
Spaniards, and conjectured we were those Englishmen, of
whom he had heard long before. And being in great want,
and desirous to be relieved by us : he bare up under our
lee, and in token of amity, shot off his lee ordnance, which
was not unanswered.
We understood that he was Tetu, a French Captain of New-
haven [Havre] a Man-of-war as we were, desirous to be relieved
by us. For at our first meeting, the French Captain cast
abroad his hands, and prayed our Captain to help him to some
water, for that he had nothing but wine and cider aboard him,
which had brought his men into great sickness. He had
sought us ever since he first heard of our being upon the coast,
about this five weeks. Our Captain sent one aboard him
with some relief for the present, willing him to follow us to
the next port, where he should have both water and victuals.
At our coming to anchor, he sent our Captain a case of
pistols, and a fair gilt scimitar (which had been the late
King's of France [Henry II.], whom Monsieur Mont-
gomery hurt in the eye, and was given him by Monsieur
Strozze). Our Captain requited him with a chain of gold,
and a tablet which he wore.
This Captain reported unto us the first news of the
Massacre of Paris, at the King of Navarre's marriage on
Saint Bartholomew's Day last, [24 August, 1572] ; of the
Admiral of France slain in his chamber, and divers other
murders : so that he " thought those Frenchmen the happiest
which were farthest from France, now no longer France but
Frensy, even as if all Gaul were turned into wormwood and
gall : Italian practices having over-mastered the French
simplicity." He showed what famous and often reports he
had heard of our great riches. He desired to know of our
Captain which way he might " compass " his voyage also.
Though we had seen him in some jealousy and distrust,
for all his pretence ; because we considered more the strength
he had than the good-will he might bear us : yet upon con-
sultation among ourselves, " Whether it were fit to receive
him or not?" we resolved to take him and twenty of his
men, to serve with our Captain for halves. In such sort as
we needed not doubt of their forces, being but twenty; nor be
hurt by their portions, being no greater than ours : and yet
sirF.^bS°'%9V] ^^^ THIRD Attempt of the Voyage. 285
gratify them in their earnest suit, and serve our own purpose,
which without more help we could very hardly have achieved.
Indeed, he had 70 men, and we now but 31 ; his ship was above
80 tons, and our frigate not 20, or pinnace nothing near
10 tons. Yet our Captain thought this proportionable, in
consideration that not numbers of men, but quality of their
judgements and knowledge, were to be the principal actors
herein : and the French ship could do no service, nor stand
in any stead to this enterprise which we intended, and had
agreed upon before, both touching the time when it should
take beginning, and the place where we should meet, namely,
at Rio Francisco.
Having thus agreed with Captain Tet^, we sent for the
Cimaroons as before was decreed. Two of them were
brought aboard our ships, to give the French assurance of
this agreement.
And as soon as we could furnish ourselves and refresh
the French company, which was within five or six days
(by bringing them to the magazines which were the nearest,
where they were supplied by us in such sort, as they pro-
tested they were beholding to us for all their lives) taking
twenty of the French and fifteen of ours with our Cimaroons,
leaving both our ships in safe road, we manned our frigate
and two pinnaces (we had formerly sunk our Lion, shortly
after our return from Panama, because we had not men
sufficient to man her), and went towards Rio Francisco :
which because it had not water enough for our frigate, caused
us to leave her at the Cabe9as, manned with English and
French, in the charge of Robert Doble, to stay there with-
out attempting any chase, until the return of our pinnaces.
And then bore to Rio Francisco, where both Captains landed
(31st March) with such force as aforesaid [i.e., 20 French, 15
English, and the Cimaroons], and charged them that had the
charge of the pinnaces to be there the fourth day next fol-
lowing without any fail. And thus knowing that the carriages
[mule loads] went now daily from Panama to N ombre de Dios ;
we proceeded in covert through the woods, towards the
highway that leadeth between them.
It is five leagues accounted by sea, between Rio Francisco
and Nombre de Dies; but that way which we march by land,
286 SlEZE 3 MULE TRAINS NEAR N OMBRE. [|rF.^DSS°'is93.
we found it above seven leagues. We marched as in our
former journey to Panama, both for order and silence ; to the
great wonder of the French Captain and company, who pro-
tested they knew not by any means how to recover the
pinnaces, if the Cimaroons (to whom what our Captain com-
manded was a law; though they little regarded the French,
as having no trust in them) should leave us : our Captain
assured him, " Therewas no cause of doubt of them, of whom
he had had such former trial."
When we were come within an English mile of the way,
we stayed all night, refreshing ourselves, in great stillness,
in a most convenient place : where we heard the carpenters,
being many in number, working upon their ships, as they
usually do by reason of the great heat of the day in N ombre
de Dios ; and might hear the mules coming from Panama,
by reason of the advantage of the ground.
The next morning (ist April), upon hearing of that number
of bells, the Cimaroons, rejoiced exceedingly, as though there
could not have befallen them a more joyful accident, chiefly
having been disappointed before. Now they all assured us,
"We should have more gold and silver than all of us could
bear away" : as in truth it fell out.
For there came three Reams, one of 50 mules, the other
two, of 70 each, every [one] of which carried 300 lbs. weight of
silver; which in all amounted to near thirty tons [i.e., 190
mules, with 300 lbs. each=^about 57,000 lbs. of silver].
We putting ourselves in readiness, went down near the
way to hear the bells ; where we stayed not long, but we saw
of what metal they were made ; * and took such hold on the
heads of the foremost and hindmost mules, that all the rest
stayed and lay down, as their manner is.
These three Recuas were guarded with forty-five soldiers or
thereabouts, fifteen to each Recua, which caused some ex-
change of bullets and arrows for a time ; in which conflict the
French Captain was sore wounded with hail-shot in the belly,
and one Cimaroon was slain : but in the end, these soldiers
thought it the best way to leave their mules with us, and to
seek for more help abroad.
In which meantime we took some pain to ease some of the
SirF.^bSe°''isi] ^^ ^^^^ MOUTH OF THE FrANCISCO. 287
mules which were heaviest loaden of their carriage. And
because we ourselves were somewhat weary, we were con-
tented with a few bars and quoits of gold, as we could well
carry: burying about fifteen tons of silver, partly in the
burrows which the great land crabs had made in the earth,
and partly under old trees which were fallen thereabout, and
partly in the sand and gravel of a river, not very deep of water.
Thus when about this business, we had spent some two
hours, and had disposed of all our matters, and were ready
to march back the very self-same way that we came, we
heard both horse and foot coming as it seemed to the mules :
for they never followed us, after we were once entered the
woods , where the French Captain by reason of his wound,
not able tc travel farther, stayed, in hope that some rest
would recover him better strength.
But after we had marched some two leagues, upon the
French soldiers'complaint, that they missed one of their men
also, examination being made whether he were slain or not :
it was found that he had drunk much wine, and overlading
himself with pillage, and hasting to go before us, had lost
himself in the woods. And as we afterwards knew, he was
taken by the Spaniards that evening; and upon torture,
discovered unto them where we had hidden our treasure.
We contmued our march all that and the next day (2nd and
3rd April) towards Rio Francisco, in hope to meet with our
pinnaces ; but when we came thither, looking out to sea, we
saw seven Spanish pinnaces, which had been searching all
the coast thereabouts : whereupon we mightily suspected
that they had taken or spoiled our pinnaces, for that our
Captain had given so straight charge, that they should re-
pair to this place this afternoon ; from the Cabegas where they
rode; whence to our sight, these Spaniards' pinnaces did come.
But the night before, there had fallen very much rain,
with much westerly wind, which as it enforced the Spaniards
to return home the sooner, by reason of the storm : so it
kept our pinnaces, that they could not keep the appointment ;
because the wind was contrary, and blew so strong, that with
their oars they could all that day get but half the way Not-
withstanding, if they had followed our Captain's direction in
setting forth over night, while the wind served, they had
arrived at the place appointed with far less labour, but with
II. T 5
288 Extraordinary daring of Drake. [IrF.^DSki
Rev. P. Nichols. ?
1593-
far more danger : because that very day at noon, the shallops
manned out, of purpose, from Nombre de Dios, were come to
this place to take our pinnaces : imagining where we were,
after they had heard of our intercepting of the treasure.
Our Captain seeing the shallops, feared least having taken
our pinnaces, they had compelled our men by torture to
confess where his frigate and ships were. Therefore in this
distress and perplexity, the company misdoubting that all
means of return to their country were cut off, and that their
treasure then served them to small purpose ; our Captain
comforted and encouraged us all, saying, " We should venture
no farther than he did. It was no time now to fear : but
rather to haste[n] to prevent that which was feared ! If the
enemy have prevailed against our pinnaces, which GOD for-
bid! yet they must have time to search them, time to examine
the mariners, time to execute their resolution after it is
determined. Before all these times be taken, we may get to
our ships, if ye will ! though not possibly by land, because of
the hills, thickets, and rivers, yet by water. Let us, there-
fore, make a raft with the trees that are here in readiness, as
offering themselves, being brought down the river, happily
this last storm, and put ourselves to sea ! I will be one, who
will be the other ? "
John Smith offered himself, and two Frenchmen that
could swim very well, desired they might accompany our
Captain, as did the Cimaroons likewise (who had been very
earnest with our Captain to have marched by land, though
it were sixteen days' journey, and in case the ship had been
surprised, to have abode always with them), especially Pedro,
who yet was fain to be left behind, because he could not row.
The raft was fitted and fast bound ; a sail of a biscuit sack
prepared ; an oar was shaped out of a young tree to serve
instead of a rudder, to direct their course before the wind.
At his departure he comforted the company, by promising,
that " If it pleased GOD, he should put his foot in safety
aboard his frigate, he would, GOD willing, by one means or
other get them all aboard, in despite of all the Spaniards in
the Indies!"
In this manner pulling off to the sea, he sailed some three
leagues, sitting up to the waist continually in water, and at
every surge of the wave to the arm-pits, for the space of six
^rF.^bSe°''i'59V] French and English share alike. 289
hours, upon this raft : what with the parching of the sun and
what with the beating of the salt water, they had all of them
their skins much fretted away.
At length GOD gave them the sight of two pinnaces
turning towards them with much wind ; but with far greater
joy to him than could easily conjecture, and did cheerfully
declaretothose three with him, that "they were our pinnaces!
and that all was safe, so that there was no cause of fear! "
But see, the pinnaces not seeing this raft, nor suspecting
any such matter, by reason of the wind and night growing
on, were forced to run into a cove behind the point, to take
succour, for that night : which our Captain seeing, and
gathering (because they came not forth again), that they
would anchor there, put his raft ashore, and ran by land
about the point, where he found them ; who, upon sight of
him, made as much haste as they could to take him and his
company aboard. For our Captain (of purpose to try what
haste they could and would make in extremity), himself ran
in great haste, and so willed the other three with him; as if
they had been chased by the enemy : which they the rather
suspected, because they saw so few with him.
And after his coming aboard, when the}^ demanding
" How all his company did ? " he answered coldly, " Well ! "
They all doubted [feared] that all went scarce well. But he
willing to rid all doubts, and fill them with joy, took out of
his bosom a quoit of gold, thanking GOD that " our voyage
was made 1 "
And to the Frenchmen he declared, how their Captain
indeed was left behind, sore wounded and two of his company
with him : but it should be no hindrance to them.
That night (4th April) our Captain with great pain of his
company, rowed to Rio Francisco : where he took the rest
in, and the treasure which we had brought with us : making
such expedition, that by dawning of the day, we set sail back
again to our frigate, and from thence directly to our ships :
where, as soon as we arrived, our Captain divided by weight,
the gold and silver into two even portions, between the
French and the English.
About a fortnight after, when we had set all things in
290 Captain TetiJ is taken by the Spaniards.[SS?' 159
593-
order, and taking out of our ship [the Pascha] all such neces-
saries as we needed for our frigate, had left and given her to
the Spaniards, whom we had all this time detained, we put
out of that harbour [at Fort Diego, p. 253], together with
the French ship, riding some few days among the Cabecas,
In the meantime, our Captain made a secret composition
with the Cimaroons, that twelve of our men and sixteen of
theirs, should make another voyage, to get intelligence in
what case the country stood ; and if it might be, recover
Monsieur Tetu, the French Captain; at leastwise to bring
away that which was hidden in our former surprise, and
could not then be conveniently carried.
John Oxnam and Thomas Sherwell were put in trust
for his service, to the great content of the whole company,
who conceived greatest hope of them next our Captain ;
whom by no means they would condescend to suffer to
adventure again, this time : yet hehimself rowed to set them
ashore at Rio Francisco ; finding his labour well employed
both otherwise, and also in saving one of those two French-
men that had remained willingly to accompany their wounded
captain.
For this gentleman, having escaped therage of the Spaniards,
was now coming towards our pinnace, where he fell down on
his knees, blessing GOD for the time, " that ever our Captain
was born ; who now, beyond all his hopes, was become his
deliverer."
He being demanded, " What was become of his Captain
and other fellow ? " shewed that within half an hour after our
departure, the Spaniards had overgotten them, and took his
Captain and other fellow : he only escaped by flight, having
cast away all his carriage, and amiong the rest one box of
jewels, that he might fly the swifter from the pursuers : but
his fellow took it up and burdened himself so sore, that he
could make no speed ; as easily as he might otherwise, if he
would have cast down his pillage, and laid aside his covetous
mind. As for the silver, which we had hidden thereabout in
the earth and the sands, he thought that it was all gone :
for that he thought there had been near two thousand
Spaniards and Negroes there to dig and search for it.
This report notwithstanding, our purpose held, and our
men were sent to the said place, where they found that the
si^'F.^i)Se.°''i59VJ ^^^ English start homewards. 291
earth, every way a mile distant had been digged and turned up
in every place of any likelihood, to have anything hidden in it.
And yet nevertheless, for all that narrow search, all our
men's labour was not quite lost, but so considered, that the
third day after their departure, they all returned safe and
cheerful, with as much silver as they and all the Cimaroons
could find {viz., thirteen bars of silver, and some few quoits of
gold), with which they were presently embarked, without em-
peachment, repairing with no less speed than joy to our frigate.
Now was it high time to think of homewards, having sped
ourselves as we desired: and therefore our Captain concluded
to visit Rio Grande [Magdelena] once again, to see if he
could meet with any sufficient ship or bark, to carry victuals
enough to serve our turn homewards, in which we might in
safety and security embark ourselves.
The Frenchmen having formerly gone from us, as soon as
they had their shares, at our first return with the treasure; as
being very desirous to return home into their country, and our
Captain as desirous to dismiss them, as they were to be dis-
missed : for that he foresaw they could not in their ship
avoid the danger of being taken by the Spaniards, if they
should make out any Men-of-war for them, while they
lingered on the coast ; and having also been then again re-
lieved with victuals by us. — Now at our meeting of them
again, were very loath to leave us, and therefore accom-
panied us very kindly as far up as St. Bernards ; and
farther would, but that they durst not adventure so great
danger; for that we had intelligence, that the Fleet was ready
to set sail for Spain, riding at the entry of Cartagena.
Thus we departed from them, passing hard by Cartagena,
in the sight of all the Fleet, with a flag of St. George in
the main top of our frigate, with silk streamers and ancients
down to the water, sailing forward with a large wind, till we
came within two leagues of the river [Magdelena], being all
low land, and dark night: where to prevent the over shooting
of the river in the night, we lay off and on bearing small sail,
till that about midnight the wind veering to the eastward,
by two of the clock in the morning, a frigate from Rio
Grande [Magdelena] passed hard by us, bearing also but
small sail. We saluted them with our shot and arrows,
292 Pedro's delight at the scimitar. [sirF.DS°'is93.
they answered us with bases ; but we got aboard them, and
took such order, that they were content against their wills
to depart ashore and to leave us this frigate : which was of
25 tons, loaded with maize, hens, and hogs, and some honey,
in very good time fit for our use ; for the honey especially was
notable reliever and preserver of our crazed [sick] people.
The next morning as soon as we set those Spaniards
ashore on the Main, we set our course for the Cabegas with-
out any stop, whither we came about five days after. And
being at anchor, presently we hove out all the maize a land,
saving three butts which we kept for our store : and carry-
ing all our provisions ashore, we brought both our frigates
on the careen, and new tallowed them.
Here we stayed about seven nights, trimming and rigging
our frigates, boarding and stowing our provisions, tearing
abroad and burning our pinnaces, that the Cimaroons might
have the iron-work.
About a day or two before our departure, our Captain
willed Pedro and three of the chiefest of the Cimaroons to
go through both his frigates, to see what they liked; promis-
ing to give it them, whatsoever it were, so it were not so
necessar}^ as that he could not return into England without
it. And for their wives he would himself seek out some
silks or linen that might gratify them ; which while he was
choosing out of his trunks, the scimitar which Captain
TETt had given to our Captain, chanced to be taken forth
in Pedro's sight : which he seeing grew so much in liking
thereof, that he accounted of nothing else in respect of it,
and preferred it before all that could be given him. Yet
imagining that it was no less esteemed of our Captain,
durst not himself open his mouth to crave or commend it ;
but made one Francis Tucker to be his mean to break his
mind, promising to give him a fine quoit of gold, which yet
he had in store, if he would but move our Captain for it;
and to our Captain himself, he would give four other great
quoits which he had hidden, intending to have reserved
them until another voyage.
Our Captain being accordingly moved by Francis
Tucker, could have been content to have made no such
exchange ; but yet desirous to content him, that had deserved
so well, he gave it him with many good words : who received
sirF.^DSki°'V593.] Drake's kindness to his prisoners. 293
it with no little joy, affirming that if he should give his
wife and children which he loved dearly in lieu of it, he
could not sufficient recompense it (for he would present
his king with it, who he knew would make him a great man,
even for this very gift's sake); yet in gratuity and stead of
other requital of this jewel, he desired our Captain to accept
these four pieces of gold, as a token of his thankfulness to
him, and a pawn of his faithfulness during life.
Our Captain received it in most kind sort, but took it not
to his own benelit, but caused it to be cast into the whole
Adventure, saying, " If he had not been set forth to that
place, he had not attained such a commodity, and therefore
it was just that they which bare part with him of his burden
in setting him to sea, should enjoy the proportion of his
benefit whatsoever at his return."
Thus with good love and liking we took our leave of that
people, setting over to the islands of [ ? ], whence
the next day after, we set sail towards Cape St. Antonio ; by
which we past with a large wind : but presently being to
stand for the Havana, we were fain to ply to the windward
some three or four days ; in which plying we fortuned to
take a small bark, in which were two or three hundred hides,
and one most necessary thing, which stood us in great stead,
viz., a pump ! which we set in our frigate.* Their bark
because it was nothing fit for our service, our Captain gave
them to carry them home.
And so returning to Cape St. Antonio, and landing there,
we refreshed ourselves, and beside great store of turtle
eggs, found by day in the [sandj, we took 250 turtles by
night. We powdered [salted] and dried some of them, which
did us good service. The rest continued but a small time.
There were, at this time, belonging to Cartagena,
Nombre de Dios, Rio Grande, Santa Marta, Rio de la Hacha,
Venta Cruz, Veragua, Nicaragua, the Honduras, Jamaica,
&c., above 200 frigates ; some of a 120 tons, others but of 10
or 12 tons, but the most of 30 or 40 tons, which all had
* Apparently Drake and his company, now reduced to 31 men out of
the original 73 (p. 228), failing to find a bark at the Magdelena, came
home in two Spanish frigates ; one of which was taken by Oxenham
(p. 283). Both the S7aan {pp. 228, 244-6) and the Pasc/ia i^pp. 228, 246,
290) were left behind in the West Indies.
294 Plymouth PEOPLE RUN OUT OF CHURCH. [Drak?'iJ<
1593-
intercourse between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. The
most of which, during our abode in those parts, we took; and
some of them, twice or thrice each: yet never burnt nor
sunk any, unless they were made out Men-of-war against
us, or laid as stales to entrap us.
And of all the men taken in these several vessels, we
never offered any kind of violence to any, after they were
once come under our power ; but either presently dismissed
them in safety, or keeping them with us some longer time
(as some of them we did), we always provided for their
sustenance as for ourselves, and secured them from the rage
of the Cimaroons against them: till at last, the danger of
their discovering where our ships lay being over past, for
which only cause we kept them prisoners, we set them also
free.
Many strange birds, beasts, and fishes, besides fruits
trees, plants, and the like, were seen and observed of us in
this journey, which willingly we pretermit as hastening to
the end of our voyage : which from this Cape of St. Antonio,
we intended to finish by sailing the directest and speediest
way homeward ; and accordingly, even beyond our own
expectation, most happily performed.
For whereas our Captain had purposed to touch at New-
foundland, and there to have watered ; which would have
been some let unto us, though we stood in great want of
water; yet GOD Almighty so provided for us, by giving us
good store of rain water, that we were sufficiently furnished :
and, within twenty-three days, we passed from the Cape of
Florida, to the Isles of Scilly, and so arrived at Plymouth,
on Sunday, about sermon time, August the 9th, 1573.
At what time, the news of our Captain's return brought
unto his, did so speedily pass over all the church, and surpass
their minds with desire and delight to see him, that very
few or none remained with the Preacher. All hastening to
see the evidence of GOD's love and blessing towards our
Gracious Queen and country, by the fruit of our Captain's
labour and success.
Soli DEO -Gloria,
FINIS.
NINETEEN YEARS'
CAPTIVITY
IN THE
Kingdom of Conde Uda
IN THE
i^iSl)lantis of Ceplon,
SUSTAINED BY
Captain ROBERT KNOXj
BETWEEN
March 1660 (feP October 1679:
%Si^iX\zi to It!) 1)10
SINGULAR DELIVERANCE
FROM THAT
STRANGE AND PAGAN LAND.
[From An Historical Relation i^c, 168 1, fol.]
297
To the Right Worshipful Sir William Thomson
Thomas Papillon Esquire,
24 " Committees " of the
India Company hereunder
Knight, Governor ;
Deputy ; and the
Honourable East
specified, viz : —
The Rt. Hon. George, Earl
of Berkley.
The Rt. Hon. James, Lord
Chandos.
Sir Matthew Andrews
Knight.
Sir John Banks Baronet.
Sir Samuel Barnardiston
Baronet
Mr, Christopher Boone.
John Bathurst Esquire.
Sir JosiAH Child Baronet.
Mr. Thomas Canham.
Colonel John Clerk.
Sir James Edwards Knight.
Mr. Joseph Herne.
Richard Hutchinson
Esquire.
James Hublon Esquire.
Sir John Lethieullier
Knight.
Mr. Nathaniel Petton.
Sir John Moor Knight.
Samuel Mover Esquire.
Mr. John Morden.
Mr. John Paige.
Edward Rudge Esquire.
Daniel Sheldon Esquire.
Mr. Jeremy Sambrook.
Robert Thomson Esquire.
Right Worshipful,
INCE my return home to my native country of England,
after a long and disconsolate captivity ; my friends
and acquaintance, in our converse together, have been'
inquisitive into the state of that land in which I was
298 Dedication of manuscript, p^'li^es^:
captivated : whose curiosity I endeavoured to satisfy. But my
relations and accounts of things in those parts were so strange and
uncouth, and so different from those in the Western nations ; and
withal, my discourses seeming so delightfid and acceptable unto
them : they very frequently called upon me to write what I knew of
that island of Ceylon, and to digest it into a discourse, and
make it more public. Unto which motion, I was not much un-
willing; partly that I might comply with the desires and counsels of
my friends; and chiefly, that I might publish and declare the great
mercy of GOD to me, and commemorate, before all men, my singular
deliverance out of that strange and pagan land : which — as often
as I think of, or mention — / cannot but admire, and adore the
goodness of GOD towards me ; there being in it, so many notable
footsteps of His signal providence.
I had then by me several papers, which — during my voyage
homewards from Bantam, at leisure times — I wrote concerning
the King and the country ; and concerning the English there ; and
of my escape : which papers I forthwith set myself to peruse and
draw into a method ; and to add what more might occur to my
thoughts of these matters. Which, at length, I have finished ;
contriving what I had to relate, under four heads. The first,
cojtcerning the country, and products of it. The second, concerning
the King and his government. The third, concerning the inhabitants,
and their religion and customs. And the last, coficerning our
surprise, detainment, and escape. In all which, I take leave to
declare that I have written nothing but either what I am assured
(f by my own personal knowledge to be true, and wherein I have
borne a great, and a sad share : or what I have received from the
inhabitants themselves, of such things as are commodity known to be
true among them.
The book being thus perfected; it required 710 long meditation
unto whom to present it. It could be to none but yourselves, my
^March^i68i:] DEDICATION OF MANUSCRIPT. 299
honoured Masters, by whose wisdom and success the East Indian
parts of the world are now nearly as well known as the countries
next adjacent to us. So that by your means, not only the wealth,
but the knowledge of those Indies is brought home to us.
Unto your favour and patronage, therefore. Right Worshipful,
I humbly presume to recommend these papers and the author oj
them ; who rejoiceth at this opportunity to acknowledge the favours
you have already conferred on him; and to profess that — next unto
GOD — on you depend his future hopes and expectations. Being
Right Worshipfid,
Your most obliged, and most humble
and devoted servant to be commanded,
Robert Knox.
London.
iSth March 1681.
To the Right Worshipful the Governor, the Deputy
Governor, and Four and Twenty " Committees "
of the Honourable the East India Company, viz :
Sir JosiAH Child Baronet, Governor.
Thomas Papilion Esquire, Deputy.
The Rt. Hon. George, Earl Colonel John Clerke.
of Berkley. Mr. John Cudworth.
Sir Joseph Ashe Baronet. John Dubois Esquire.
Sir Samuel Barnardiston Sir James Edwards Knight
Baronet. and Alderman.
Mr. Christopher Boone. Richard Hutchinson
Mr. Thomas Canham. Esquire.
300
Dedication of printed work.
rCapt. R. Knox
L August 1 68 1
Mr. Joseph Herne.
Mr. William Hedges.
Sir John Lawrence Knight
and Alderman.
Mr. Nathaniel Letton.
Sir John Moore Knight and
Alderman.
Samuel Mover Esquire.
Mr. John Morden.
Mr. John Paige.
Edward Rudge Esquire.
Mr. Jeremy Sambrooke.
Mr. William Sedgwick.
Robert Thomson Esquire.
Samuel Thomson Esquire.
James Ward Esquire.
Right Worshipful,
i HA T I formerly presented you in writing, having in
pursuance of your commands now somewhat dressed by
the help of the Graver and the Printer ; I a second time
humbly tender to you. 'Tis, I confess, at best too mean
a return for your great kindness to me. Yet I hope you will not
deny it a favourable acceptance ; since it is the whole return I
made from the Indies after twenty years' stay there : having brought
home nothing else but
{who is also wholly at your service and command)
Robert Knox.-
London,
1st of August 1681.
30I
Nineteen Years' Captivity
In the Kingdom of Conde Uda.
Captain Robert Knox.
Preliminary Chapter I.
A general descriptio7i of the Island.
Ow THIS island lies with respect unto the
neighbouring coasts, I shall not speak at all,
that being to be seen in our ordinary sea
cards [charts^ which describe those parts) ;
and but little concerning the maritime
parts of it, now under the jurisdiction of
the Dutch : my design being to relate such
things only that are new and unknown unto
these European nations. It is the inland country therefore
I chiefly intend to write of: which is yet a hidden land ;
even to the Dutch themselves that inhabit upon the island.
For I have seen among them a fair large map of this place ;
the best I believe extant, yet very faulty. The ordinary
maps in use among us are much more so. I have procured
a new one to be drawn with as much truth and exactness as
I could : and his judgment will not be deemed altogether
inconsiderable, who had for twenty years travelled about the
island, and knew almost every step of those parts : especially
those that most want describing.
I begin with the sea coasts : of all which the Hollander
is master. On the north end ; the chief places are Jaffnapatam
and the island of Manaar. On the east side, Trincomalee
and Batticalloe. To the south, is the city of Point de
Galle. On the west, the city of Colombo ; so called from
a tree, the natives call amho (which bears the mango fruit)
growing in that place, which never bare fruit but only
leaves, which in their language is cola\ and hence they
302 The former Provinces of Ceylon. p^March^iTsi:
called the tree Colaniho : which the Christians, in honour
of Columbus, turned to Colombo. It is the chief city on
the sea coasts, where the Dutch Governor hath his residence.
On this west side also are Negombo and Calpentyn. All
these already mentioned are strong fortified places. There
are besides many other smaller forts and fortifications : all
which, with considerable territories ; to wit, all round
bordering upon the sea coasts, belong to the Dutch nation.
I proceed to the inland country, being that that is now
under the King of Kandy. It is convenient that we first
understand that this land is divided into greater or lesser
shares or parts. The greater divisions give me leave to
call Provinces, and the lesser, Counties ; as resembling ours
in England, though not altogether so big.
On the north parts, lie the Province of Nuwerakalawe,
consisting of five lesser divisions or counties : the Province
also of Hotkorle, signifying " Seven Counties ; " it contains
seven counties.
On the eastward, is Matella, containing three counties.
There are also lying on that side Tammaukadua, Bintenne,
Vellas, Panowa. These are single counties. Oowah also,
containing three counties : in this province are two and
thirty of the King's captains dwelling, with their soldiers.
In the mid-land, within those already mentioned, lie
Wallaponahoy, it signifies " Fifty holes or vales," which
describe the nature of it, being nothing but hills and valleys
— Poncipot, signifying "Five hundred soldiers" — Godda-
ponahoy, signifying " Fifty pieces of dry land " — Hevoi-
hattay, signifying " Sixty soldiers" — Kottemalle — Horsepot
[? Harasia Pattoo], "Four hundred soldiers" — Tunponahoy
[? Tuuipane], " Three fifties" — Oodanowera, it signifies " The
Upper City;" where I lived last, and had land — Yattenowera,
" The Lower Cit}^," in which stands the royal and chief city
Kandy.
These two counties I last named, have the pre-eminence
of all the rest in the land. They are most populous and
fruitful. The inhabitants thereof are the chief and principal
men : insomuch that it is a usual saying among them, that
" if they want a king, they may take any man of either of
these two counties from the plough, and wash the dirt off
^^^March^i68i;] Ceylon full of hills, rivers & woods. 303
him ; and he — by reason of his quality and descent — is fit to
be a king." And they have this peculiar privilege ; that none
may be their Governor, but one born in their own country.
These that follow, lie to the westward. Ooddaboolat —
Dollosbage — Hotterakorle, containing four counties — Porta-
loon — Tunkorle, containing three counties — Kottiaar. Which
last, together with Batticalloe and a part of Tunkorle ; the
Hollander took from the king, during my being there.
There are about ten or twelve more unnamed ; next
bordering on the coast ; which are under the Hollander.
All these Provinces and Counties, excepting six — Tam-
mankadua, Vellas, Panowa, Hotterakorle, Hotkorle, and
Nuwerakalawe — lie upon hills, fruitful and well watered :
and therefore are they called in one word, Conde Uda;
which signifies, ** On top of the hills ; " and the king is
styled, the King of Conde Uda.
All these counties are divided, each from other, by great
woods ; which none may fell, being preserved for fortifications.
In most of them are Watches kept constantly ; but in
troublesome times, in all.
The land is full of hills, but exceedingly well watered ;
there being many pure and clear rivers running through
them : which falling down about their lands is a very great
benefit for the country ; in respect to their rice, their chief
substance. These rivers are generally very rocky, and so
unnavigable. In them are great quantities of fish ; and the
greater, for want of skill in the people to catch them.
The main river of all is called Mahavilla Ganga; which
proceeds out of the mountain called Adam's Peak (of which
afterwards). It runs through the whole land northward, and
falls into the sea at Trincomalee. It may be an arrow's
flight over in breadth ; but not navigable, by reason of the
many rocks and great falls in it. Towards the sea, it is full
of alligators ; but among the mountains there are none at
all. It is so deep that, except it be mighty dry weather, a
man cannot wade over it ; unless towards the head of it.
They use little canoes to pass over it : but there are no
bridges built over it, it being so broad, and the stream in the
time of rains — which in this country are very great — runs so
high ; that they cannot make them ; neither if they could,
II. U 5
304 CONDE UdA fortified BY NaTURE. [^^^Ma^ch^X:
would it be permitted. For the King careth not to make his
country easy to travel in ; but desires to keep it intricate.
This river runs within a mile or less of the city of Kandy.
In some places of it, it is full of rocks ; in others, clear for
three or four miles.
There is another large river [Kottemalle Oya] running
through Kottemalle ; and falls into that before mentioned.
There are divers other brave rivers that water the country ;
though none navigable, for the cause above said.
The land is generally covered with woods ; excepting the
kingdom of Oowah, and the counties of Ooddaboolat and
Dollosbage, which are, naturally, somewhat clear of them.
It is most populous about the middle ; least near about by
the sea. How it is with those parts under the Hollander, I
know not. The northern parts are somewhat sickly by
reason of bad water. The rest are very healthful.
The valleys between their hills are, many of them,
quagmires : and most of them full of brave springs of pure
water : which watery valleys are the best sort of land for
their corn, as requiring much moisture.
On the south side of Conde Uda is a hill, supposed to be
highest on the island, called in the Cingalese language
Hamalell ; but by the Portuguese and the European nations,
Adam's Peak. It is sharp like a sugar loaf; and has on the
top a flat stone with the print of a foot, like a man's but far
bigger, being about two feet long. The people of the land
count it meritorious to go and worship this impression : and
generall}' about their new year, which is in March ; they —
men, women, and children — go up this vast and high
mountain to worship.
Out of this mountain arise many fine rivers, which
run through the land ; some to the westward, some to the
southward, and the main river — the Mahavilla Ganga before
mentioned — to the northward.
This kingdom of Conde Uda is strongly fortified by nature.
For which way soever you enter into it ; you must ascend
vast and high mountains, and descend little or nothing.
The ways are many ; but very narrow, so that but one can
go abreast. The hills are covered with woods and great
rocks, so that it is scarcely possible to get up anywhere, but
only in the paths. In all of which, there are Gates made of
thorns — the one at the bottom, the other at the top of the
*^Kch^8r.] Harvest there all the year round. 305
hills — and two or three men always set to watch: who are to
examine all that come and go, and see what they carry ;
that letters may not be conveyed, nor prisoners or other
slaves run away. These Watches, in case of opposition, are
to call out to the towns near ; who are to assist them. They
oftentimes have no arms, for they are people of the next
towns : but their weapons to stop people, are to charge
them in the King's name ; which being disobeyed, is so
severely punished, that none dare resist. These Watches
are but as sentinels to give notice ; for in case of war and
danger, the King sends commanders and soldiers to lie here.
The one part of this island differs very much from the
other, both in respect of the seasons and the soil. For
when the westwardly winds [the S.-W. monsoon] blow, then
it rains on the west side of the island ; and that is the
season for them to till their grounds : and at the same time,
on the east side is very fair and dry weather, and the time
of their harvest. On the contrary, when the east winds
[the N.-E. monsoon] blow, it is tilling time for those that
inhabit the east parts, and harvest to those on the west.
So harvest is there, in one part or other, all the year long.
These rains and this dry weather do part themselves about
the middle of the land ; as oftentimes I have seen : there being
on the one side of a mountain called Cauragas Hing, rainy
and wet weather : and as soon as I came on the other side,
dry and so exceeding hot, that I could scarcely walk on the
ground ; being — as the manner there is — barefooted.
It rains far more in the high lands of Conde Uda, than in
the low lands beneath the hills. The north end of this
island is much subject to dry weather. I have known it, for
five or six years together, so dry, having no rain — and there
is no other means of water but that ; there being but three
springs of running water there, that I know or ever heard
of — that they could not plough nor sow, and scarcely could
dig wells deep enough to get water to drink ; and when they
got it, its taste was brackish. At which time, in other
parts, there wanted not rain : whither the northern people
were forced to come and buy food.
Let thus much suffice to have spoken of the countries,
soil, and nature of this island in general. I will proceed to
speak of the cities and towns in it ; together with some
other remarkable matters thereunto belonging.
3o6 The five principal cities. p^laSk^esf.
Preliminary Chapter II.
Concerning the chief cities and towns of this Island.
N THIS island are several places where, they say
formerly stood cities, and which still retain the
name ; though little or nothing of building be now
to be seen : but there are five cities now standing,
which are the most eminent, and where the King
hath palaces and goods ; yet even these — all of them, except
that wherein his person is, — are ruined and fallen to decay.
The first is the city of Kandy — so generally called by the
Christians, probably from Conde, which in the Cingalese
language signifies "hills," for among them it is situated —
but by the inhabitants called Hingodagul-newera, as much as
to say, "The City of the Cingalese people; " and Mauneur,
signifying " The chief or royal city." This is the chief or
metropolitical city of thewhole island. It is placed in the midst
of the island, inthe Province of Yattenowera; bravely situated
for all conveniences, excellently well watered. The King's
palace stands on the east corner of the city, as is customary
in this land for the King's palaces to stand. This city is
three square, like a triangle, but has no artificial strength about
it: unless on the south side, which is the easiest and openest
way to it, where they have long since cast up a bank of
earth across the valley from one hill to another; which
nevertheless is not so steep but that a man may easily go
over it anywhere. It may be some twenty feet in height.
In every way to come to this city, about two or three miles
off from it, are Thorn Gates and Watches to examine all that
go and come. It is environed around with hills. The great
river \tlie Mahavilla Ganga] coming down from Adam's Peak,
runs within less than a mile of it, on the west side.
It has oftentimes been burnt by the Portuguese in their
former invasions of this island; togetherwith the King'spalace
and the temples. Insomuch that the King has been fain to pay
them a tribute of three elephants per annum. The King left
this city, about twenty years ago [i.e. about 1660], and never
since has come to it. So that it is now quite gone to decay.
^^M:^ch?68i:] Kandy, Nellembe, Alloot, Badoolla. ^oy
A second city is Nellembe Newera, lying in Ooddaboollat,
south of Kandy, some twelve miles distant. Unto this, the
King retired and here kept his Court, when he forsook Kandy.
Thirdly. The cityAlloot Newera, on thenorth-east of Kandy.
Here this King was born. Here also he keeps a great store
of corn and salt, &c., against time of war or trouble. This
is situated in the country of Bintenne ; which land I have
never been at, but have taken a view of it from the top of
a mountain. It seems to be a smooth land, and not much
hilly. The great river [the Mahavilla Ganga] runneth through
the midst of it. It is all over covered with mighty woods and
abundance of deer : but much subject to dry weather and
sickness. In these woods are a sort of wild people [The
Veddahs, sttpposed to be the original race inhabiting Ceylon]
inhabiting.
Fourthly, Badoolla, eastward from Kandy, some two days'
journey : the second city in this land. The Portuguese, in
time of war, burnt it down to the ground. The palace here
is quite ruined : the pagodas only remain in good repair.
This city stands in the kingdom or province of Oowah, which
is a country well watered ; the land not smooth, neither the
hills very high. Wood very scarce, but what they plant about
their houses : but great plenty of cattle ; their land, void of
wood, being the more apt for grazing. If these cattle be carried
to any other parts in this island, they will commonly die.
The reason whereof no man can tell. Only they conjecture
it is occasioned by a kind of small tree or shrub that grows
in all countries but in Oowah, the touch or scent of which
may be poison to the Oowah cattle, though it is not so to
other. The tree hath a pretty physical smell like an
apothecary's shop ; but no sort of cattle will eat it. In this
country grows the best tobacco that is on the land. Rice
is more in plenty here than most other things.
The fifth city is Digligy Newera, towards the east of Kandy,
lying in the country of Hevahatt : where the King — ever
since he was routed from Nellembe, in the rebellion, Anno
1664 — hath held his Court. The situation of this place is
very rocky and mountainous, the land is barren : so that
hardly a worse place could be found out in the whole island.
Yet the King chose it, partly because it lies about the middle
of his kingdom, but chiefly for his safety : having the great
3o8 Anuradhapoora, cradle of Buddhism. P^M^ch^ies^
mountain Gauluda behind his palace, unto which he fled for
safety in the rebellion — being not only high, but on the top of
it lie three towns, and corn fields, whence he may have
necessary supplies. And it is so fenced with steep cliffs,
rocks, and woods; that a few men here will be able to defend
themselves against a great army.
There are, besides these already mentioned, several other
ruinous places that do still retain the name of cities ; where
kings have reigned, though now there are little footsteps
remaining of them.
At the north end of this King's dominions is one of these
ruinous cities, called Anuradhapoora, where they say ninety
kings have reigned; the spirits of whom they hold now to be
saints in glory, having merited it by making pagodas, and
stone pillars and images to the honour of their gods : whereof
there are many yet remaining, which the Cingalese count very
meritorious to worship, and the next way to heaven. Near
by is a river by which we came, when we made our escape :
all along which there is an abundance of hewn stones ; some
long for pillars, some broad for paving. Over this river,
there have been three stone bridges, built upon stone pillars;
but now are fallen down ; and the country is all desolate,
without inhabitants.
At this city of Anuradhapoora is a Watch kept ; be3'ond
which are no more people that yield obedience to the King of
Kandy. This place is above ninety miles to the northward
of the city of Kandy. In these northern parts there are no
hills, nor but two or three springs of running water ; so that
their corn ripeneth with the help of rain.
There is a port in the country of Portaloon, on the west
side of this island, whence part of the King's country is
supplied with salt and fish : where they have some small trade
with the Dutch ; who have a fort on the point to prevent
boats from coming. But the eastern parts being too far and
too hilly, to drive cattle thither for salt ; GOD's providence
hath provided them a place on the east side, nearer to them,
which in their language they called Leawava : where, the
eastwardly winds blowing, the sea beats in ; and in westerly
winds — being then fair weather there — it becomes salt ; and
that in such abundance, that they have as much as they
please to fetch.
^'^M^ch^iS The towns of Conde Uda. 309
This place of Leawava is so contrived by the Providence
of the Almighty Creator, that neither the Portuguese nor
Dutch, in all the time of their wars, could ever prevent this
people from having the benefit of this salt : which is the
principal thing that they esteem in time of trouble or war ;
and most of them do keep by them, a store of salt against
such times. It is, as I have heard, environed with hills on
the land side, and by sea not convenient for ships to ride :
and very sickly — which they do impute to the power of a
great god, who dwelleth near by in a town called Cotteragom,
standing in the road ; to whom all that go to fetch salt, both
small and great, must give an offering. The name and power
of this god striketh such terror into the Cingalese, that those
who otherwise are enemies to this King, and have served
both Portuguese and Dutch against him ; yet, would never
assist to make invasions this way.
Having said thus much concerning the cities and other
eminent places of this kingdom ; I will now add a little
concerning their towns. The best are those that do belong
to their idols, wherein stand their Dewals or temples. They
do not care to make streets by building their houses together
in rows, but each man lives by himself in his own plantation ;
having a hedge, it may be, and a ditch round about him to
keep out cattle. Their towns are always placed some distance
from the highways : for they care not that their towns should
be a thoroughfare for all people; but only for those that have
business with them. The towns are not very big : in some
may be forty, and in some fifty houses ; and in some, above
an hundred : and in some again, not above eight or ten.
As I said before of their cities, so I must of their towns;
that there are many of them here and there lying desolate :
occasioned by their voluntarily forsaking them ; which they
often do, in case many of them fall sick, and two or three die
soon after one another. For this, they conclude to happen
from the hand of the devil ; whereupon, they all leave their
town, and go to another, thinking thereby to avoid him :
thus relinquishing both their houses and lands too. Yet
afterwards, when they think the devil hath departed the
place : some will sometimes come back, and reassume their
lands again.
"•^T^
310 Cingalese Character AND Proverbs. [^^TiaSk^sT
Preliminary Chapter III.
General character of the Cingalese^ with
some of their proverbs.
Erc are iron and crystal in great plenty. Saltpetre
they can make. Brimstone, some say, is here; but
the King will not have it discovered. Steel they can
make of their iron. Ebony is in great abundance,
with choice of tall and large timber. Cardamoms,
jaggory, arrack, oil, black-lead, turmeric, salt, rice, betel nuts,
musk, wax, pepper — which grows here very well, and might be
had in great plenty, if it had any vent ^sa/g] — and the peculiar
commodity of the island, cinnamon. Wild cattle also, and
wild honey in great plenty in the woods : it lies in holes or
hollow trees, free for any that will take the pains to get it.
Elephants' teeth. Cotton, of which there is good plenty,
growing in their own grounds : sufficient to make them good
and strong cloth for their own use, and also to sell to the
people of the uplands, where cotton is not so plentiful.
All these things the land affords, and might do it in
much greater quantity; if the people were but laborious and
industrious. But that, they are not. For the Cingalese are
naturally a people given to sloth and laziness. If they can
but any ways live, they abhor to work. Only what their
necessities force them to do, they do: that is, to get food and
raiment.
Yet in this I must a little vindicate them. For what
indeed should they do with more than food and raiment ;
seeing that, as their estates increase, so do their taxes also ?
And although the people be generally covetous, spending
but little, scraping together what they can : yet such is the
government they are under; that they are afraid to be known
to have anything, lest it be taken away from them. Neither
have they any encouragement for their industr}', having no
vent by traffic and commerce for what they have got.
*' I have given pepper, and got ginger." Spoken when a
*^^ March^s^:] Fables. Noya and Polonga. 311
man makes a bad exchange: and they use it in reference to
the Dutch succeeding the Portuguese in their island.
"Pick your teeth, to fill your belly." Spoken of stingy
niggardly people.
"To eat before you go forth, is handsome and convenient."
Which they therefore ever do.
" As the saying is, If I come to beg buttermilk, why
should I hide my pan." Which is ordinarily spoken to
introduce the business that one man comes to speak to
another about.
"A beggar and a trader cannot be lost." Because they
are never out of their way.
"To lend to another, makes him become an enemy." For
he will hate you, if you ask him for it again.
"Go not with a slave in one boat." It signifies to have no
dealing nor correspondence with any one's slave : for if any
damage should happen, it would fall upon your head ; and,
by their law, you must make it good.
" First look into the hand, afterwards open the mouth."
Spoken of a judge ; who first must have a bribe, before
he will pronounce on their side.
" Take a ploughman from the plough, and wash off his
dirt : and he is fit to rule a kingdom." Spoken of the people
of Conde Uda, where there are such eminent persons of the
"Hondrew" rank: and because of the civility, understanding,
and gravity of the poorest men among them.
" Nobody can reproach the King and the beggar." Because
the former is above the slander of the people, and nothing
can be said bad enough of the latter.
" Like Noya and Polonga." Denoting irreconcilable
enemies.
If the Polonga and the Noya meet together, they cease
not fighting till one hath killed the other.
The reason and original of this fatal enmity is this ;
according to a fable among the Cingalese.
These two chanced to meet in a dry season, when water
was scarce. The Polonga being almost famished for thirst;
asked the Noya, where he might go to find a little water.
The Noya, a little before, had met with a bowl of water in
which a child lay playing : as it is usual among this people,
to wash their children in a bowl of water, and there leave
312 More Proverbs and Fables. [^^^M^ch^esi!
them, to tumble and play in it. Here the Noya had quenched
his thirst, but, as he was drinking, the child that lay in the
bowl, out of his innocency and play, hit him on the head,
with his hand; which the Noya made no matter of, but bare
patiently, knowing it was not done out of any malice, and
having drunk as much as sufficed him, went away, without
doing the child any harm.
Being minded to direct the Polonga to this bowl, but
desirous withal to preserve the child : he told him, " That he
knew of water ; but he was such a surly hasty creature, that
he was fearful to let him know where it was, lest he might
do some mischief." Making him therefore promise that he
would not : he then told him, that at such a place there was
a bowl of water with a child playing in it; and that probably
the child might, as he was tumbling, give him a pat on
the head — as he had done to him before — but charged him
nevertheless, not to hurt the child. Which the Polonga
having promised ; went his way towards the water, as the
Noya had directed him.
The Noya, knowing his touchy disposition, went after
him : fearing that he might do the child a mischief; and that
thereby he himself might be deprived of the like benefit
afterwards. It fell out as he feared. For as the Polonga
drank, the child patted him on the head : and he, in his
hasty humour, bit him on the hand, and killed him. The
Noya seeing this, was resolved to be revenged : and so,
reproaching him for his baseness, fought him so long till
he killed him ; and after that, devoured him. Which to this
day they ever do ; and always fight, when they meet :
and the conqueror eats the body of the vanquished. Hence
the proverb.
" He that hath money to give to his judge, needs not fear;
be his cause right or wrong." Because of the corruption of
the great men, and their greediness for bribes.
" If our fortune [gerehah] be bad, what can god do against
it ? " Reckoning that none of their gods have power to reverse
the fate of an ill planet.
" The ague is nothing, but the headache is all." That
country is very subject to agues, which do especially afflict
the heads of those who have them.
They have certain words of form and civility that they use
^%arch^i68i.] General character of the Cingalese. 3 1 3
upon occasion. When they come to another man's house; he
asks them "What they come for?" which is his civiHty.
And they answer, "I come for nothing;" which is their
ordinary reply; though they do come for something.
And upon this they have a fable. A god came down upon
earth one day, and bade all his creatures come before him ;
and demanded, " What they would have, and it should be
granted them." So all the beasts and other creatures
came : and one desired strength, another legs, and another
wings, &c. ; and it was bestowed on them. Then came the
white men. The god asked them, " What they came for ? "
And they said, "They desired Beauty, Valour, and Riches."
It was granted them. At last, came the Cingalese. The
god required of them " What they came for ? " They
answered, " I come for nothing." Then replied he again,
" Do you come for nothing : then go away with nothing ! "
And so they for their compliment, fared worse than all the
rest.
I might multiply many more of their proverbial sayings :
but let these sufBce.
The worst words they use to whites and Christians, is to
call them " Beef-eating slaves."
When they travel together, a great many of them, the
roads are so narrow that but one can go abreast. And if
there be twenty of them, there is but one argument or matter
discoursed among them all from the first to the last. And so
they go talking along, all together ; and every one carrieth
his provisions on his back, for his whole journey.
In short. In carriage and behaviour, they are very grave
and stately, like unto Portuguese ; in understanding, quick
and apprehensive; in design, subtle and crafty; in discourse,
courteous but full of flatteries; naturally inclined to temper-
ance both in meat and drink, but not to chastity ; near and
provident in their families, commending good husbandry.
In their dispositions, not passionate ; neither hard to be
reconciled again when angry. In their promises, very
unfaithful ; approving lying in themselves, but misliking it
in others : delighting in sloth, deferring labour till urgent
necessity constrain them. Neat in apparel, nice in eating,
and not given to much sleep.
314 Clay seals for all travellers. p^M^'h^iX.
Preliminary Chapter IV.
The TJiorn Gates.
Here are constant Watches set in convenient places
in all parts of the country, and Thorn Gates : but
in time of danger, besides the ordinary Watches in
all towns, they are in all places and at every cross
road, exceedingly thick : so that it is not possible
for any to pass unobserved.
These Thorn Gates which I here mention, and have done
before, are made of a sort of thorn bush or thorn tree ; each
stick or branch whereof thrusts out on all sides round about,
sharp prickles like iron nails, of three or four inches long.
One of these very thorns, I have lately seen in the Repository
at Gresham College. These sticks or branches being as big
as a good cane, are plaited one very close to another, and so
being fastened or tied to three or four upright spars, are
made in the fashion of a door.
This is hung upon a door case some ten or twelve feet
high (so that they may, and do ride through upon elephants)
made of three pieces of timber like a gallows, after this
manner (~I : the thorn door hanging upon the transverse piece
like a shop window. So they lift it up or clap it down ; as
there is occasion : and tie it with rope to a cross bar.
But especially in all roads and passes from the city \pigligy\
where the King now inhabits, are very strict Watches set :
which will suffer none to pass, not having a passport ; which
is the print of a seal in clay.
It is given at the Court to them that have license to go
through the Watches. The seals are different, according to
the profession of the party. As to a soldier, the print of a
man with a pike on his shoulder ; or, to a labourer, of a man
with two bags hanging at each end of a pole upon his
shoulder; which is the manner they commonly carry their
loads : and to a white man, the passport is the print of a
man with a sword by his side and his hat on his head. And
as many men as there are in the company ; so many prints
there must be in the clay.
There is not half the examination for those that come into
the city, as for those that go out ; whom they usually search
to see what thev carry with them.
\(D \SJ\] (TX^ \DJ\} [TQJ \3^^ \F^ y
Nineteen Years' Captivity
In the Kingdom of Conde Uda.
BY
Captain Robert Knox.
C H AFTER I.
O/ the reason of otir going to Ceylon, and
detainment there.
N THIS fourth and last part, I purpose to speak
concerning our captivity in this island ; and
during which, in what condition the English
have lived there ; and the eminent providence
of GOD in my escape thence : together with
other matters relating to the Dutch and other
European nations that dwell, and are kept
there. All which will afford so much variety
and new matter, that I doubt not but the readers will be
entertained with as much delight in perusing these things,
as in any else that have been already related.
I begin with the unhappy occasion of our going to this
country.
Anno 1657, the Anne frigate of London, Captain Robert
Knox Commander, on the 21st day of January; set sail
out of the Downs in the service of the Honourable the
English East India Company, bound for Fort St. George
{hladras] on the coast of Coromandel, to trade one year from
port to port in India. Which we having performed, as we
were lading goods to return for England, being on the road
3i6 The ^iviv£ REFITTING AT Trincomalee. pPM^ch^X
of Malipatam,onthe 19th of November, 1659, there happened
such a mighty storm, that in it several ships were cast
awa}^: and we were forced to cut our mainmast by the board;
which so disabled the ship that she could not proceed in her
voyage. Whereupon Kottiaar in the island of Ceylon, being
a very commodious bay, fit for our present distress ; Thomas
Chambers, Esq., since Sir Thomas Chambers, the Agent at
Fort St. George, ordered that the ship should take in some
cloth, and go to Kottiaar Bay [i.e. the Bay of Trincomalee],
there to trade ; while she lay, to set her mast. Where
being arrived, according to the appointment of those Indian
merchants of Porto Nova we carried with us, they were
put ashore ; and we minded our business to set another
mainmast, and repair our other damages that we had
sustained by the late storm.
At our first coming hither, we were shy and jealous of the
people of the place ; by reason our nation never had any
commerce or dealing with them. But now having been there
some twenty days, and going ashore and coming on board at
our pleasure, without any molestation ; the Governor of the
place also telling us that we were welcome, as we seemed
to ourselves to be : we began to lay aside all suspicious
thoughts of the people dwelling thereabouts, who had very
kindly entertained us for our money with such provisions
and refreshings as those parts afforded.
By this time, the King of the country had notice of our
being there, and, as I suppose, grew suspicious of us ; not
having all that while by any message, made him acquainted
with our intent and purpose in coming. Thereupon he
despatched down a Dissauva or general with his army to us.
Who immediately sent a messenger on board to acquaint the
Captain with his coming and desired him to come ashore to
him ; pretending to have a letter to him from the King. We
saluted the message with the firing of guns, and my father the
Captain, ordered me with Master John Loveland, merchant
[supercargo] of the ship, to go on shore and wait upon him.
When we were come before him ; he demanded " Who we
were ? " and " How long we should stay ?" We told him,
'• We were English," and " Not to stay above twenty or
thirty days :" and desired permission to trade in his Majesty's
port. His answer was, *' The King was glad to hear that the
^'^March^iX.] The Captain is made prisoner. 317
English were come to his country, and had commanded him
to assist us as we should desire ; and had sent a letter to be
delivered to none but to the Captain himself."
We were then some twelve miles from the seaside. Our
reply was, ** That the Captain could not leave his ship to
come so far ; but if he pleased to come down to the seaside
himself, the Captain would immediately wait upon him to
receive the letter." Upon which, the Dissauva desired us to
stay that day ; and on the morrow, he would go down with
us : which being a small request ; we, unwilling to displease
him, consented to.
The same day at evening, the Dissauva sent two of his
chief captains to the house where we lay, to tell us " That
he was sending a present to the Captain, and if we pleased
we might send a letter to him : that he would send the
present in the night ; and himself, with us, follow the next
morning." At which, we began to suspect, and accordingly
concluded to write and advise the Captain not to adventure
himself nor any other on shore, till he saw us. We having
written a letter to this purpose, they took it and went away;
but never delivered it.
The next morning, the present (which was cattle, fruit, &c.)
was brought to the seaside and delivered to the Captain ; the
messengers telling him withal, that we were upon the way
coming down with the Dissauva, who desired his company
on shore, against his coming; having a letter from the
King to deliver into his own hand. Hereupon the Captain
mistrusting nothing, came up with his boat into a small river ;
and being come ashore, sat down under a tamarind tree,*
waiting for the Dissauva and us. In which time, the native
soldiers privately surrounded him and his men having no
arms with them : and so he was seized on, and seven men
with him ; yet without any violence or plundering them of
* Sir James Emerson Tennent,
K.C.G., in a tour through the northern
forests of Ceylon in February 1848,
thus —
" At Cottiar, ... we halted by the
identical tamarind tree, under which,
two centuries before, Captain Robert
Knox — the gentlest of historians, and
the meekest of captives — was betrayed bv
the Kandyans ; and thence carried into
their hills : to be detained an inoffensive
prisoner, from boyhood to grey hairs.
But to that captivity, we are indebted
for the most faithful and life-like
portraiture that was ever drawn of a
semi -civilised, but remarkable people."
— Ceylon, ii. 478. Ed. 1859.
3i8 The long boat's crew also taken, [^''M^ch^i^s^:
anything. And then they brought them up unto us, carrying
the Captain in a hammock upon their shoulders.
The next da}^ after, the long boat's crew not knowing what
had happened, came ashore to cut a tree to make cheeks for
the mainmast ; and were made prisoners after the same
manner, though with more violence. For they being rough
and making resistance, were bound with withes ; and so were
led away till they came where the people got ropes. Which
when our men saw brought to them, they were not a little
affrighted ; for being already bound, they concluded there
could be no other use for those ropes but to hang them. But
the true use of them was to bind them faster, fearing lest the
withes might break ; and so they were brought up farther
into the country ; but afterwards being become more tame,
they were loosed. They would not adventure to bring them
to us, but quartered them in another house, though in the
same town: where without leave, we could not see one another.
The house where they kept the Captain and us, was all
hanged with white calico ; which is the greatest honour they
can show to any : but the house wherein the other men were,
that were brought up after us, was not. They gave us also
as good entertainment as the countr}^ afforded.
Having thus taken both our boats and eighteen men of us;
their next care was, fearing lest the ship should be gone, to
secure her. Therefore to bring this about, the Dissauva told
the Captain that the reason of this their detainment was that
the King intended to send letters and a present to the English
nation by him ; and therefore that the ship must not go away
till the King was ready to send his messenger and message :
and thereupon desired the Captain to send on board to order
her stay, and — it being not safe for her to ride in the bay, lest
the Dutch might come and fire her — that he should take
order for her bringing up into the river. Which advice of
his, the Captain approved not of; but concealing his dislike
to it, replied " that unless he could send two of his own men
on board with his letter and order, those in the ship would
not obey him, but speedily would be gone with the ship."
Which he, rather than he would run the hazard of the ship's
departing, granted : imagining that the Captain would order
the ship to be brought up into the river, as he had advised ;
though the Captain intended to make another use of this
messa.2:e.
^*M^ch^i68ij The Captain sends the ship away. 519
Upon which, the Captain sent two of his men, some
Indians accompanying them, in a canoe to the ship; the
Captain ordering them, when they were aboard not to abuse
the Indians, but to entertain them very kindly : and
afterwards that, setting them ashore, they should keep the
canoe to themselves, instead of our two boats which they had
gotten from us ; and to secure the ship, and wait till further
orders.
These two men stayed on board, and came not back again.
This, together with the ship's not coming up, displeased the
Dissauva ; and he demanded of the Captain the reason
thereof. His answer was, " That being detained on shore,
the men on board would not obey his command."
Upon this, some days after, the Dissauva bid the Captain
send his son with orders to those aboard that the ship might
be brought into the river; but provided that he would be
security for my return: which he promised he would. His order
to me was, "to see the top chains put upon the cables, and
the guns shotted [loaded] ; and to tell Master John Burford
Chief Mate, and all the rest, as they valued their lives and
liberties, to keep a watch ; and not to suffer any boat to come
near, after it was dark : and charged me upon his blessing,
and as I should answer it at the Great Day, not to leave him
in this condition ; but to return to him again." Upon which I
solemnly vowed, according to my duty, to be his obedient
son.
So, having seen all done according to his appointment, I
wrote a letter in the name of the company to clear my father
and myself, to this effect, " That they would not obey the
Captain, nor any other in this matter ; but were resolved to
stand upon their own defence." To which they all set their
hands. Which done, according to my promise and duty, I
returned again ; and delivered the letter to the Dissauva,
who was thereby answered: and afterwards urged the Captain
no more in that matter, but gave him leave at his pleasure
to write for what he pleased to have brought to him from the
ship ; still pretending the King's order to release us was not
yet, but would suddenly come.
And so we remained expecting it, about two months ; being
entertained, as formerly, with the best diet and accommoda-
tion of the country.
II- X 5
320 The reason of their capture. p^Ma^ch^issi:
Havins^ continued thus long in suspense, and the time and
the year spending [passing away] for the ship to proceed on
her voyage to some other place ; and our condition being, as
we feared and afterwards found to be, the beginning of a sad
captivity : the Captain sent orders to Master John Burford
to take the charge of the ship upon him, and to set sail for
Porto Nova, whence we came ; and there to follow the
[Madras] Agent's order.
If any inquire what became of the cloth of our lading,
which we brought thither ; they only took an account to see
what it was, and so left it where and as it was before : and
there it remained until both house and goods rotted away,
as the people of the same town informed me afterwards.
I impute the mam reason of our surprise to our neglect,
viz., in not sending a letter and present to the King at our
first coming : who looking upon himself as a great monarch,
as he is indeed, requires to be treated with suitable state.
Thus were sixteen of us left to the mercy of those
barbarians : the names of which are as follows. The Captain,
Master John Loveland, John Gregory, Charles Beard,
Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicholas Mullins,
Francis Crutch, John Berry, Ralph Knight, Peter
Winn, William Hubbard, Antony Emery, Richard
Varnham, George Smith, and myself. Though our hearts
were very heavy, seeing ourselves betrayed into so sad a
condition, to be forced to dwell among those that knew not
GOD nor His laws : yet so great was the mercy of our
gracious GOD, that He gave us favour in the sight of this
people: insomuch that we lived far better than we could
have expected, being prisoners or rather captives in the
hands of the heathen; from whom we could have looked for
nothing but very severe usage.
The ship being gone, the King sent to call the Dissauva
speedily to him ; who, upon this order, immediately marched
away with his army ; leaving us where we were. But
concerning us, there was no order at all.
^""Mich^iS I^HE CAPTIVES ARE MOVED INLAND. 32 1
Chapter II.
How we were carried up into the country, and
disposed of there : and of the sickiiess,
sorrow and death of the Captain.
He Dissauva with his men, being gone; the people
of the town were appointed to guard and secure
us until further orders. But they carried us some
six miles higher into the country ; and would not
yet adventure to bring the long boat's crew unto
us, but kept them by themselves in another town : fearing
lest we might make an escape ; as certainly we would have
attempted it, had they not removed us.
There was a small Moor's vessel, which lay in the river ;
which they had seized on about this time, as we supposed
they would have done by our ship, if they could have caught
her there. This vessel had some forty men belonging to her;
who were not made prisoners as we were, but yet lay in the
same town. With those, we had concluded that they should
furnish us with arms: and, in the night, all together to march
down and get on board their vessel ; and so make our escape.
But being prevented in this design by our departure, we were
fain to lie at their mercy.
In our new quarters, our entertainment proved as good as
formerly: and indeed there was this to mitigate our misery;
that the people were courteous to us, and seemed to pity us.
For there is a great difference between the people inhabiting
the high lands or mountains of Kandy, and those of the low
lands where we now were placed; who are of a kinder nature
by far, than the other. For these countries beneath the
mountains formerly were in subjection to the Portuguese ;
whereby they have been exercised and acquainted with the
customs and manners of Christian people : which pleasing
them far better than their own, have begot and bred in them
a kind of love and aftection towards strangers ; being apt to
show pity and compassion on them in their distress. And
322 They are marched up the country. p^M^ch^esT.
you shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the highlanders
for their insolent and rude behaviour.
It was a very sad condition whilst we w^ere all together ;
yet hitherto each other's company lessened our sufferings,
and was some comfort, that we might condole one another.
But now it came to pass that we must be separated and
placed asunder, one in a village ; where we could have none
to confer withal or look upon, but the horrible black faces of
our heathen enemies, and not understand one word of their
language neither. This was a great addition to our grief.
Yet GOD was so merciful to us, as not to suffer them to part
my father and I.
For it was some sixteen days after our last remove, the
King was pleased to send a captain with soldiers to bring us
up into the country ; who brought us and the other men
taken in the long boat together : which was a heavy meeting ;
being then, as we well saw, to be carried captives into the
mountains. That night we supped together ; and the next
morning changed our condition into real captivity. Howbeit
they gave us many comfortable promises, which we believed
not ; as " That the King's intent was not to keep us any
longer than till another ship came to carry us away."
Although we had but very little to carry, GOD knows; yet
they appointed men to carry the clothes that belonged to the
Captain and Officers. We still expected they would plunder
us of our clothes, having nothing else to be plundered of :
but the Cingalese captain told us, that the King had given
order that none should take the value of a thread from us;
which indeed they did not.
As they brought us up, they were very tender of us ; as
not to tire us with travelling, bidding us go no faster than we
would ourselves. This kindness did somewhat comfort us.
The way was plain and easy to travel, through great woods,
so that we walked as in an arbour ; but desolate of
inhabitants : so that for four or five nights we lay on the
ground, with boughs of trees only over our heads. And of
victuals, twice a day they gave us as much as we could eat ;
that is, of rice, salt fish, dried flesh : and sometimes they
would shoot deer, and find honey in the trees ; a good part
of which they always brought unto us. And drink we could
not want ; there being rivers and puddles full of water, as we
travelled along.
^^March'^X."] Kept near the Court, at first. 323
But when we came out of the woods amongst inhabitants,
and were led into their towns ; they brought us victuals
ready dressed after their fashion, viz. : rice boiled in water,
and three other sorts of food, whereof one was flesh and the
other two herbs or such like things that grow in their
country ; and all kinds of ripe fruit : which we liked very well
and fed heartily upon. Our entertainment all along was at
the charge of the country, so we fed like soldiers upon free
quarters. Yet I think we gave them good content for all
the charge we put them to ; which was to have the satisfac-
tion of seeing us eat, sitting on mats upon the ground in their
yards to the public view of all beholders : who greatly
admired us ; having never seen, nor scarce heard of English-
men before. It was also great entertainment to them to
observe our manner of eating with spoons, which some of us
had ; and that we could not take the rice up in our hands and
put it to our mouths without spilling, as they do ; nor gaped
and poured the water into our mouths out of pots, according
to their country's fashion. Thus at every town where we
came ; they used both young and old in great companies,
to stare upon us.
Being thus brought up altogether somewhat near to the
city of Kandy ; now came an order from the King to separate
us, and to place us one in a town. Which then seemed to us
to be very hard ; but it was for the convenience of getting
food, being quartered upon the country at their charge.
The Captain, Master John Loveland, myself and John
Gregory were parted from the rest, and brought nearer to the
city; to be ready when the King should send for us : all the
rest were placed one in a town, according to the aforesaid
order. Special command also was given from the King that
we all should be well entertained ; and according to the
country's fare, we had no cause to complain. We four were
thus kept together some two months, faring well all the
while.
But the King minding us not, order came from the great
men in court to place us in towns, as the rest were ; only
my father and 1 were still permitted to be together : and a
great charge given to use us well. And indeed twice a day,
we had brought unto us as good fare as the country afforded.
All the rest had not their provisions brought to them, as we
324 Author settled at Bonder Coswat. P^lil^ch^X.
had ; but went to eat from house to house, each house taking
its turn.
On the i6th of September 1660, my father and I were
placed in a town called Bonder Coswat. The situation
was very pleasing and commodious, lying about thirty
miles to the northward of the city of Kandy, in the country
called Hotkorle [? Hewarrisse Korle], and distant from the
rest of our people a full day's journey. We were removed
hither from another town nearer to the city of Kandy, where
the nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for
us, had placed us to have us ready.
Being thus brought to Bonder Coswat ; the people put it
to our choice, which house we would have to reside in. The
country being hot, and their houses dark and dirty ; my
father chose an open house ; having only a roof, but no walls :
wherein they placed a cot or bedstead with a mat only upon
it for him, which in their account is an extraordinary
lodging ; and for me, a mat on the ground.
Money at that time was very low with us. For although
we wanted not for opportunity to send for what we would
have brought unto us from the ship ; yet fearing we should
be plundered of it, we sent not for anything save a pillow
for my father. For we held it a point without dispute, that
they that made prisoners of our bodies would not spare to
take our goods : my father also alleging that he had rather
his children at home should enjoy them.
But to make amends for that ; we had our provisions
brought us without money, and that twice a day, so much as
we could eat and as good as their country yielded. To wit,
a pot of good rice, and three dishes of such things as with
them are accounted good cheer ; one always either flesh, fish
or eggs, but not overmuch of this dish ; the other dishes,
herbs, pumpkins or such like, one of which was always made
sour.
The first year that we were brought to this town ; this part
of the land was extraordinarily sickly with agues and fevers,
whereof many people died: insomuch that many times we
were forced to remain an hungry; there being none well
enough either to boil or bring victuals unto us.
We had with us a Practice of Piety, and Master Roger's
Seven Treatises called The Practice 0/ Christianity. With which
^^^ch^esT.] He and his father ill of the ague. 325
companions we did frequently discourse ; and in the cool of
the evening walked abroad in the field for a refreshing, being
tired with being all day in our house or prison.
This course lasted until GOD was pleased to visit us both
with the country's sickness, ague and fever. The sight
of my father's misery was far more grievous unto me
than the sense of my own; that I must be a spectator of his
affliction, and not in any way able to help him. And the
sight of me so far augmented his grief, that he would often
say " What have I done, when I charged you to come ashore
to me again ? Your dutifulness to me hath brought you to
be a captive. I am old and cannot long hold out, but you
may live to see many days of sorrow ; if the mercy of GOD
do not prevent it. But my prayers to GOD for you shall not
be wanting ; that for this cause, he would visit you with his
mercy and bestow on you a blessing."
My father's ague lasted not long ; but deep grief daily
more and more increased upon him ; which so overwhelmed
even his very heart, that with many a bitter sigh, he used to
utter these words, " These many years, even from my youth,
have I used the seas ; in Vv^hich time the Lord GOD hath
delivered me from a multitude of dangers " — rehearsing to
me what great dangers he had been in in the Straits of
Gibraltar by the Turks and by other enemies, and also in
many other places too large here to insert ; and always how
merciful GOD was to him in delivering him out of them all
— " so that he never knew what it was to be in the hands of
an enemy : but now, in his old age, when his head was grown
grey, to be a captive to the heathen, and to leave his bones
in the eastern parts of the world : when it was his hope and
intention, if GOD had permitted him to finish this voyage,
to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his
children in his native country ; and so to settle me in the
ship in his stead. The thoughts of these things did even
break his heart."
Upwards of three months, my father lay in this manner
upon his bed ; having only under him a mat and the carpet
he sat upon in the boat when he came ashore, and a small
quilt I had to cover him withal. And I had only a mat upon
the ground, and a pillow to lay on ; and nothing to cover me
but the clothes on my back: but when I was cold and that
326 His father's dying speeches. p^M^ch^esi:
my ague came upon me, I used to make a fire ; wood costing
nothing but the fetching.
We had a black boy [? a Madrassee] that my father
brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him : who seeing
his master to be a prisoner in the hands of the people of his
complexion, would not now obey his command further than
what agreed unto his own humour: neither was it then, as
we thought, in our power to compel or make him ; but that
was our ignorance.
As for me, my ague now came to a settled course, that is,
once in three days, and so continued for sixteen months' time.
There appearing now to us no probability, whereupon to
build an}^ hopes of liberty : the sense of it struck m}- father
into such an agony and strong passion of grief that once, I
well remember, in nine days' time nothing came into his
mouth but cold water ; neither did he in three months
together, ever rise up out of his bed but when the course of
nature required it : always groaning and sighing in a most
piteous manner, which for me to hear and see come from my
dear father, myself also in the same condition, did almost
break my heart. But then I felt that doctrine most true,
which I had read out of Master Rogers's book, " That GOD
is most sweet ; when the world is most bitter."
In this manner my father lay until the gth of February
1661 : by which time he was consumed to an anatomy
[reduced to a skeleton], having nothing left but skin to cover
his bones. Yet he would often say, "that the very sound of
liberty would so revive him, that it would put strength into
his limbs." But it was not the will of Him, to whom we say
" Thy will be done " to have it so.
The evening before his death, he called me to come near
his bedside, and to sit down by him ; at which time I had
also a strong fever upon me. This done, he told me, " That
he sensibly felt his life departing from him, and was assured
that this night GOD would deliver him out of his captivity:
and that he never thought, in all his lifetime, that death
could be so easy and v.-elcome to any man as GOD had made
it to be to him, and the joys he now felt in himself he wanted
utterance to express to me." He told me " These were the
last words that ever he should speak to me, and bade me well
to regard and to be sure to remember them, and tell them to my
^^PMarch^i68i.] ThE DEATH OF HIS FATHER. 327
brother and sister, if it pleased GOD, as he hoped it would,
to bring us together in England, where I should find all
things settled to my contentation : " relating unto me after
what manner he had settled his estate by letters, which he
sent from Kottiaar.
**In the first place, and above all; he charged me to serve
GOD, and with a circumspect care to walk in His ways ; and
then," he said, "GOD would bless me and prosper me." And
next, he bade me, *' have a care of my brother and sister."
And lastly, he gave me "a special charge to beware of strong
drink and lewd company; which, as by experience many had
found, would change me into another man, so that I should
not be myself." " It deeply grieved him," he said, " to see me
in captivity in the prime of my years, and so much the more
because I had chosen rather to suffer captivity with him
than to disobey his command ; which now he was heartily
sorry for, that he had so commanded me : but bade me not
repent of obeying the command of my father, seeing for this
very thing," he said, "GOD would bless me," and bade me "be
assured of it, which he doubted not of, namely, that GOD
Almighty would deliver me." Which, at that time, I could
not tell how to conceive of, seeing but little sign of any such
matter. But blessed be the Name of my most precious GOD,
who hath so bountifully sustained me ever since in the land
of my captivity, and preserved me alike to see my deceased
father's word fulfilled ! And truly I was so far from repenting
that I had obeyed the command of my father, and performed
the oath and promise I made unto him upon it ; that it
rather rejoiced me to see that GOD had given me so much
grace.
But though it was a trouble to him, that by his means, I
was thus made a captive ; yet " it was a great comfort to
him," he said, "to have his own son sit by him on his death-
bed, and by his hands to be buried; whereas otherwise he
could expect no other but to be eaten by dogs or wild beasts."
Then he gave me order concerning his burial, "That having
no winding sheet, I should pull his shirt over his head and
slip his breeches over his feet, and so wrap him up in the
mat he laid upon." And then he ceased speaking, and fell
into a slumber. This was about eight or nine o'clock in the
evening : and about two or three in the morning he gave up
328 He buries his father. P^Ma^ch^6°8t.
the ghost, February 9th 1660 ; being very sensible unto the
very instant of his departure.
According to his own appointment ; with my own hands, I
wrapped him up ready for the grave : myself being very sick
and weak; and, as I thought, ready to follow after him.
Having none but the black boy, I bade him ask the people
of the town for help to carry my father to the grave ; because
I could not understand their language : who immediately
brought forth a great rope they used to tie their cattle
withal, therewith to drag him by the neck into the woods ;
saying " that they could afford me no other help, unless I
would pay for it." This insolency of the heathen grieved me
much to see; neither could I, with the boy alone, do what
was necessary for his burial, though we had been able to
carry the corpse : having not wherewithal to dig a grave, and
the ground being very dry and hard. Yet it was some
comfort to me, that I had so much ability as to hire one to
help ; which at first I would not have spared to have done,
had I known their meaning.
By this means, I thank God, in so decent a manner as
our present condition would permit, I laid my father's body
in the grave ; most of which I digged with my own hands :
the place being in a wood on the north side of a corn field,
where heretofore we had used often to walk, going up to
Handapoul [? Handepoli]. That division, as I have said, being
called Bonder Coswat, because formerly it had belonged to
the revenues or jointure of the Queen : Bonder implying
something relating to the King. It lies towards the north-
west of the middle of the island, in the county of Hotkorle.
Thus was I left desolate, sick, and in captivity ; having no
earthly comforter ; none but only He who looks down from
heaven to hear the groaning of the prisoners ; and to show
himself a Father to the fatherless, and a present help to
them that have no helper.
The news of my father's death being carried to Court ;
presently two messengers were sent from tlience to see me,
and to know of me how and in what manner my father died ;
and what he had left ? Which was a gold ring, a pagoda
[= 6s. in present value], some two or three dollars, and a few
old clothes ; GOD knows but a very little : yet it scared me
not a little, fearing they would take it away from me, and
^^'M^ch^esiG The order for food renewed. 329
my want being so great : but they had no such order or
intent. But the chief occasion of their coming was to renew
the former order unto the people of that town: that tliey
should be kind to me ; and give me good victuals, lest I
might die also, as my father had done. So for a while I
had better entertainment than formerly.
After i6 months, the ague goes. P^M^ch^xTsi:
Chapter III.
How I lived after my father s death : and of the
condition of the rest of the English, a7id how it
fared with them. And of our interview.
Still remained where I was before ; having none
but the black boy and my ague to bear me company.
Never found I more pleasure in reading, meditating
and praying than now : for there was nothing else
could administer to me any comfort ; neither had I
any other business to be occupied about. I had read my two
books so often over, that I had them almost by heart. For
my custom was after dinner, to take a book and go into the
fields and sit under a tree ; reading and meditating until
evening : except the day when my ague came, for then I
could scarce hold up my head. Often have I prayed as
Elijah under the juniper tree, that GOD would take away
my life ; for it was a burden to me.
At length it pleased GOD that my ague began to be a
little moderate ; and so, by degrees, it wore away : after it
had held me sixteen months.
Provisions falling short with me, though rice, I thank
GOD, I never wanted, and money also growing low : as
well to help out a meal as for recreation ; sometimes I went
with an angle to catch small fish in the brooks, the aforesaid
boy being with me.
It chanced, as I was fishing, an old man passed by; and
seeing me, asked of my boy, " if I could read in a book ? " He
answered *' Yes." "The reason I ask," said the old man,
" is because I have one I got when the Portuguese lost
Colombo ; and if your master please to buy it, I will sell it
him." Which when I heard of, I bade my boy go to his
house with him, which was not far off, and bring it to me to
see it ; making no great account of the matter, supposing
it might be some Portuguese book.
The boy having formerly served the English, knew the
' ■''March^i68i.] TheAuTHOR MEETS WITH A BiBLE. 331
book ; and as soon as he had got it in his hand, came running
with it, calling out to me " It is a Bible." It startled me
to hear him mention the name of a " Bible : " for I neither had
one, nor scarcely could ever think to see one. Upon which,
I flung down my angle, and went to meet him. The first
place the book opened in, after I took it in my hand, was the
sixteenth chapter of the Acts, and the first place my eye
pitched on, was the 30th and 31st verses, where the gaoler
asked St. Paul " What must I do to be saved ? And he
answered saying, Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou
shalt be saved and thine house."
The sight of this book so rejoiced me, and affrighted me
together ; that I cannot say which passion was greater, the
Joy for that I had got sight of a Bible, or the Fear that I had
not enough to buy it, having then but one pagoda in the
world : which I willingly would have given for it, but my boy
dissuaded me from giving so much, alleging my necessity
for money many other ways, and undertaking to procure the
book for a far meaner price ; provided I would seem to
slight it in the sight of the old man. This counsel after I
considered, I approved of, my urgent necessities earnestly
craving, and my ability bemg but very small to relieve the
same : and however, I thought, I could give my piece of gold
at the last cast, if other means should fail.
I hope the readers will excuse me, that I hold them so
long upon this single passage ; for it did so affect me then,
that I cannot lightly pass it over as often as I think of it, or
have occasion to mention it. The sight indeed of this Bible
so overjoyed me, as if an angel had spoken to me from
heaven. To see that my gracious GOD had prepared such
an extraordinary blessing for me> which I did, and ever shall
look upon as miraculous : to bring unto me a Bible in my own
native language ; and that in such a remote part of the world
where His name was not so much as known, and where any
Englishman was never known to have been before. I looked
upon it as somewhat of the same nature with the Ten
Commandments He had given the Israelites out of heaven.
It being the thing for want whereof I had so often mourned,
nay and shed tears too ; and than the enjoyment whereof,
there could be no greater joy in the world to me.
Upon the sight of it I left off fishing ; GOD having brought
332 They are given food but not clothes. P^March^esi.
a fish to me that I longed for : and now how to get it and
enjoy the same, all the powers of my soul were employed. I
gave GOD hearty thanks that He had brought it so near me,
and most earnestly prayed that He would bestow it on me.
Now it being well towards evening, and not having wherewithal
to buy it about me, I departed home ; telling the old man
that in the morning I would send my boy to buy it of him.
All that night I could take no rest for thinking on it, fearing
lest I might be disappointed of it. In the morning, as soon
as it was day, I sent the boy with a knit cap he had made
for me to buy the book, praying in my heart for good success ;
which it pleased GOD to grant. For that cap purchased it,
and the boy brought it to me to my great joy ; which did not
a little comfort me in all my afflictions.
Having said all this concerning my father and myself, it
will now be time to think of the rest of our poor countrymen,
and to see what is become of them.
They were carried into the county of Hotterakorle, westward
from the city of Kandy ; and placed singly according to the
King's order aforesaid, some four, some six miles distant one
from the other. It was the King's command concerning
them that the people should give them victuals, and look after
them : so they carried each man from house to house to eat,
as their turns came to give them victuals : and where they
supped, there they lodged that night. Their bedding was
only a mat upon the ground.
They knew not that they were so near to one another a
great while, till at length Almighty GOD was pleased by their
grief and heaviness to move those heathen to pity and take
compassion on them ; so that they did bring some of them
to one another. Which joy was but abortive, for no sooner
did they begin to feel the comfort of one another's company;
but immediately their keepers called upon them to go from
whence they came, fearing they might consult and run away,
although Colombo, the nearest port they could fly to, was
above two days' journey from them. But as it is with wild
beasts beginning to grow tame, their liberty increaseth ; so
it happened to our men. So that at length, they might go
and see one another at their pleasures; and were less and less
watched and regarded : and seeing they did not attempt to
'^^PM5ch?6°8i:] They eat their food uncooked. $^s
run away ; they made no matter of it, if they stayed two or
three days one with the other.
They all wondered much to see themselves in this condition,
to be kept only to eat ; and the people of the country giving it
unto them, daily expecting when they would put them to
work, which they never did nor dared to do. For the King's
order was to feed them well only, and to look after them ;
until he pleased to send for them.
This, after some time, made the Englishmen change their
minds, and not to think themselves slaves any more ; but the
inhabitants of the land to be their servants, in that they
laboured to sustain them : which made them to begin to
domineer, and would not be content, unless they had such
victuals as pleased them ; and oftentimes used to throw the
pots victuals and all, at their heads that brought them, which
they patiently would bear.
And as they lived here longer, they knew better what
privileges they had in belonging unto the King ; and being
maintained by virtue of his command. And their privileges
they made use of to no purpose, as I shall relate an instance
or two by and by, and showed their English metal.
Victuals were the only thing allowed to them, but no
clothes. By this time the clothes they had were almost
worn out. This put them to a study what course to take to
procure more, when those on their backs were gone. The
readiest way that they could devise was this, that whereas
they used to take their victuals brought to them ready
dressed, they should now take them raw ; and so to pinch
somewhat out of their bellies to save to buy clothes for their
backs. And so accordingly they concluded to do, and by the
favour that GOD gave them in the sight of the people, by
alleging the innocency of their cause and the extremity of
their present condition, having not the least ability to help or
relieve themselves ; they consented to give them two measures
of rice a day each man, one of which is as much as any man
can eat in a day, so that the other was to serve for advance
towards clothes. For besides rice, they gave them to eat
with it, salt, pepper, limes, herbs, pumpkins, cocoa nuts,
flesh (a little) : these, and such like things, were their
constant fare.
And thus they made a shift to live for some years, until
334 The Englishman & Cingalese POTTER. pPMa^'h'^esT.
some of them had an insight in knitting caps, by whom all
afterwards learned : and it proved to be the chief means and
help we all had to relieve our wants. The ordinary price
we sold these caps for was ninepence apiece, in value of
English money ; the thread standing us in about three
pence. But at length — we plying hard our new learned
trade — caps began to abound, and trading grew dead, so that
we could not sell them at the former price ; which brought
several of our nation to great want.
The English began now to pluck up their hearts ; and
though they were entered into a new condition, they kept
their old spirits : especially considering they were the King's
men, and quartered by his special order, upon the people.
When they had obtained to have their allowance raw, if
any brought them not their full due, they would go in and
plunder their houses of such goods as they found there : and
keep them until they came and brought them their complete
allowance to redeem their goods back again.
Some of our Englishmen have proceeded further yet.
One, for example, went to buy pots of a potter ; who,
because he [the potter] would not let him have them at his
own price, fell to a quarrel ; in which the Englishman met
with some blows : which he complained of to the magistrate,
as being a person that belonged unto the King, and therefore
claimed better usage. And the magistrate condemned the
potter as guilty in lifting up his hand against him ; and
sent some of his soldiers to bind him, and then bade the
Englishman go and content himself by paying him in the
same coin again as he had served our countryman, which he
did until he was satisfied : and moreover, ordered him to
take the pots he came to buy and pay nothing. But the
law was not so satisfied neither : for the soldiers lay on
many blows besides.
Another time, at a certain feast, as they were drinking and
wanting wine, they sent money to buy more; but the seller
refused to give it them for their money : which they took so
heinously, that they unanimously concluded to go and take
it by force. Away they went, each man with a staff in his
hand, and entered the house and began to drink : which the
people, not liking of, gathered their forces together, and by
blows began to resist them. But the Englishmen bravely
^''^M^ch^i'esi'.l Author first meets his countrymen. 335
behaved themselves, and broke several of their pates : who,
with the blood about their ears, went to the city of Kandy
to complain to the great men. They demanded of them, " if
they had ever sold them wine before." They answered
" Yes." They asked them again, " Why then did they
refuse to sell to them now ? " and that they were well
served by the English for denying them drink for their
money : and so sent them away, laughing at them. Our
men got two or three black and blue blows ; but they came
home with their bellies full of drink for their pains.
But to return unto myself. It was a full year after my father
died, before I had sight of any of my countrymen and fellow
prisoners. Then John Gregory, with much ado, obtained
leave to come and see me ; which did exceedingly rejoice me.
For a great satisfaction it was, both to see a countryman,
and also to hear of the welfare of the rest. But he could
not be permitted to stay with me above one day. Until
then, I knew not punctually [exactly] where the rest of my
countrymen were : but having heard that they were within
a day's journey of me, I never ceased importuning the people
of the town where I dwelt, to let me go and see them :
which though very loth, yet at last the}^ granted.
Being arrived at the nearest Englishman's house, I was
joyfully received ; and the next day, he went and called some
of the rest of our countrymen that were near. So that there
were some seven or eight of us met together.
We gave GOD thanks for His great mercies towards us;
being then, as we did confess, in a far better condition than
we could have expected. They were now no more like the
prisoners I left them : but were become housekeepers and
knitters of caps; and had changed their habit from breeches
to clouts [clothes] like the Cingalese. They entertained me
with very good cheer in their houses, beyond what I did
expect.
My money, at the same time, being almost gone ; and
clothes in the same condition : it was high time for me now
to take some course in hand to get more. Therefore I took
some advice with them about knitting, my boy having skill
therein. Likewise they advised me to take my victuals raw
wherein they found great profit. For all this while there
11. Y 5
336 He learns Cingalese. L^%2ch^68i:
being no signs of releasing us, it concerned me now to
bethink myself how I should live for the future. For neither
had I any more than my countrymen any allowance for
clothes, but for victuals only.
Having stayed here some two or three days ; we did take
leave of one another, hoping to see one another oftener :
since we now knew each other's habitations : and I departed
to my house, having a keeper with me.
By this time, I began to speak the language of the country,
whereby I was enabled the better to speak my mind unto the
people that brought me my victuals ; which was, henceforth
not to boil my rice but to bring it raw, according to the
quantity that the other Englishmen had. This occasioned
a great deal of disputing and reasoning between us. They
alleged "that I was not as they, being the Captain's son and
they but his servants : and therefore that it was ordered by
the great men at Court that my victuals should be daily
brought unto me ; whereas they went always from house to
house for theirs. Neither was it fitting for me," they said, " to
employ myself in such an inferior office as to dress my own
meat, being a man that the King had notice of by name; and
very suddenly before I should be aware of it, would send
for me into his presence ; where I should be highly promoted
to some place of honour. In the mean time," they told me,
as pretending to give me good counsel, " that it was more for
my credit and reputation to have my provisions brought unto
me ready dressed as they were before."
Although I was yet but a novice in the country, and knew
not much of the people; yet plain reason told me that it was
not so much for my good and credit that they pleaded, as for
their own benefit : wherefore I returned them this answer,
" That if, as they said, I was greater in quality than the rest,
and so held in their estimation ; it would be but reason to
demand a greater allowance ; whereas I desired no more than
the other Englishmen had: and as for the toil and trouble in
dressing of it, that would be none to me, for my boy had nothing
else to do." And then I alleged several inconveniences in
bringing my victuals ready boiled : as first, that it was not
dressed according to my diet ; and many times not brought
in due season, so that I could not eat when I was an hungry;
and the last and chief reason was, that I might save a little
^^'fti^esi.] The Author builds a house. 337
to serve my necessity for clothing; and rather than want
clothes for my back, I must pinch a little out of my belly;
and so both go share and share alike.
And so at length, thanks be to GOD, I obtained, though
with much ado, to get two measures of rice per diem for
myself, and one for my boy ; also cocoa nuts, pumpkins, herbs,
limes, and such like enough; besides pepper and salt; and
sometimes hens, eggs, or flesh : rice being the main thing
they stand upon, for of other things they refuse not to give
what they have.
Now having settled all business about my allowance, my
next concern was to look after a house more convenient ; for
my present one was too small to dress my victuals in and
sleep in too. Thereabouts was a garden of cocoa-nut trees
belonging to the King, and a pleasant situation. This place
I made choice of to build me a house in : and discovering my
desire to the people ; they consented, and came and built it
for me. But before it was finished, their occasions called
them away ; but my boy and I made an end of it, and
whitened [whitewashed] the walls with lime, according to
my own country's fashion. But in doing this, I committed
a capital offence : for none may white [wash] their houses
with lime, that being peculiar to the royal, houses and
temples : but, being a stranger, nothing was made of it,
because I did it in ignorance. Had it been a native that
had so done, it is most probable that it would have cost
him his head, or at the least a great fine.
Being settled in my new house, I began to keep hogs and
hens ; which, by GOD's blessing, throve very well with me,
and were a great help unto me. I had also a great benefit
by living in this garden. For all the cocoa nuts that fell
down, they gave me; which afforded me oil to burn in the
lamp, and also to fry my meat in : which oil being new, is but
little inferior to this country's butter. Now I learned to
knit caps, which skill I quickly attained unto ; and, by GOD's
blessing upon the same, I obtained great help and relief
thereby.
In this manner we all lived : seeing but very little sign
that we might build upon, to look for liberty. The chief of
our hopes of it was that in process of time, when we were
SS^ Cingalese punishment of runaways. p'^Ma^ch^iesi.'
better acquainted, we might run away : wliich some of our
people attempted to do too soon, before they knew well
which way to go, and were taken by the inhabitants. For
it is the custom of the Cingalese to suspect all white people
they meet travelling in the country to be runaways, and to
examine them : and if they cannot give satisfactory answers,
they will lay hold of them and carry them back unto the city
[of Kandy] ; where they will keep them prisoners under a
guard of soldiers, in an open house like a barn, with a little
victuals sometimes, and sometimes with none at all. Where
they have no other remedy to help themselves but begging :
and in this condition, they may lie perhaps for their lifetime ;
being so kept for a spectacle unto the people.
Though the common way whereby the King gratifies such
as catch runaways and bring them up [to the city], is not
over acceptable. For they are appointed to feed and watch
them, until he calls for them to be brought before him ; at
which time, his promise is bountifully to reward them. But
these promises I never knew performed : neither doth he
perhaps ever think of it after. For when the King is made
acquainted with the matter, the men that have brought up
the prisoner are in a manner as bad prisoners themselves ;
not daring to go home to their houses, without his leave :
but there they must remain. After some years' stay, the
common manner is for them to give a fee unto the governor
of the country, and he will license them to go home; which
they must be contented with, instead of the promised reward.
^^M^ch^iesi.] The Persia Merchant men. 339
Chapter IV.
Concerning some other Englishmen detained
in that country.
N the same captivity with ourselves on this island
was another company of Englishmen, who were
taken about a year and a half before us, viz.: in the
year 1658. They were thirteen in number, whose
names were as follows, viz.: — Master William
Vassal, John Merginson, Thomas March, Thomas Kirby,
Richard Jelf, Gamaliel Gardner, William Day, Thomas
Stapleton, Henry Man, Hugh Smart, Daniel Holstein
an Hamburgher, James Gony and Henry Bingham.
The occasion of their seizure was thus. The ship these
men belonged to, was the Persia Merchant, Captain Francis
Johnson Commander ; which was lost upon the Maldive
islands: but they escaped in their boats, and passing along by
this land went on shore to recruit and buy provisions ; and so
were taken. The Cingalese that took them, plundered them
of what they had, except their clothes. Yet one of them,
John Merginson by name, having cunningly hid his money
about him, saved it from the heathen : but from his own
countrj'men he could not ; some of them knowing of it, set
upon him and robbed him of it. But it did them little good,
for the King hearing of it, sent and robbed the robbers.
These men thus seized, were carried up before the King, of
whom he demanded, " whether the English had wars with the
Hollanders?" They answered, "No." " Or if the English
could beat them?" They answered, "They could, and had done
it lately." Then he gave order to give them all some clothes ;
and to Master William Vassal, being the chief of them, a
double portion. And out of them, he made choice of two
lads, whom afterwards he sent and took into his Court. Their
honours and their ends we shall see by and by.
They were all placed in the city of Kandy, and each of
340 Vergonse, the Portuguese priest. p^M^ch^si'.
them had a new mat given them to sleep on, and their diet
was victuals dressed and brought them, twice a day, from the
King's own palace. They had clothes also distributed to them
at another time. So that these men had the advantage of
us : for we neither had mats nor clothes, nor had the honour
of being ever brought into the King's presence.
This civil reception upon their first coming up into the city
put the Persia Slerchant men in hope that the King would
give them their libert}-. There was at that time an old
Portuguese father, Padre Vergonse by name, living in the
city. With him they discoursed concerning the probability
of their liberty, and that the favours the King had shown them
seemed to be good signs of it : but he told them the plain
truth, that it was not customary there to release white men.
For saying which, they railed on him; calling him " Popish
dog " and "Jesuitical rogue," supposing he spoke as he wished
it might be : but afterwards, to their grief, they found it to be
true as he told them.
Their entertainment was excellently good according to the
poor condition of the country : but they thought it otherwise,
very mean ; and not according to the King's order. Therefore
that the King might be informed how they were abused, each
man took the limb of a hen in his hand, and they marched
rank and file, in order, through the streets, with it in their
hands to the Court; as a sign to the great men, whereby
they might see how illy [badly] they were serv^ed : thinking
hereby the King might come to hear of their misusage, and
so they might have orders to be fed better afterwards. But
this proved sport to the noblemen who knew well the fare of
the country : they laughing at their ignorance, to complain
where they had so little cause. And indeed afterwards, they
themselves laughed at this action of theirs, and were half
ashamed of it ; when they came to a better understanding of
the nature of the country's diet.
Yet notwithstanding, being not used to such short commons
of flesh, though they had rice in abundance, and having no
money to buy more; they had a desire to kill some cows,
that they might eat their bellies full of beef : but made it
somewhat a point of conscience, whether it might be lawful
or not to take them without leave. Upon which they applied
themselves to the old father aforesaid, desirins: him to solve
^^^MSch^X:] Hugh Smart taken to Court. 341
this case of conscience : who was very ready to give them a
dispensation ; and told them, "that forasmuch as the Cingalese
were their enemies and had taken their bodies, it was very
lawful for them to satisfy their bodies with their goods."
And the better to animate them in this design, he bade them
bring him a piece that he might partake with them. So being
encouraged by the old father, they went on boldly in their
intended business.
Now if you would have an account of the mettle and
manfulness of these men, as you have already had a taste of
those of ours ; take this passage. The Jak fruit the King's
officers often gather wheresoever it grows, and give it to the
King's elephants ; and they may gather it in any man's
grounds without the owner's leave, being for the King's
use. Now these Englishmen were appointed to dwell in a
house that formerly belonged unto a nobleman, whom the
King had cut off, and seized upon it. In the ground
belonging to this house stood a Jak tree full of fruit. Some
of the King's men came thither to gather some to feed
the elephants : but although the English had free liberty to
gather what they could eat or desire ; yet they would permit
none but themselves to meddle with them, but took the officers
by the shoulders and turned them out of the garden ;
although there were a great many more fruits than they
could tell what to do with. The great men were so civil that
notwithstanding this affront, they had no punishment upon
them. But the event of this was, that a few days after, they
were removed from this house to another where was a
garden, but no trees in it. And because they would not allow
the King a few, they lost all themselves.
I mentioned before two lads of this company, whom the
King chose out for his own service. Their names were Hugh
Smart and Henry Man. These being taken into his Court,
obtained great favour and honour from him, as to be always
in his presence, and very often he would kindly and familiarly
talk with them, concerning their country, what it afforded,
and of their King, and his strength for war.
Till at length Hugh Smart having a desire to hear news
concerning England, privately got to the speech of a Dutch
Ambassador. Of which the King had notice, but would not
342 Henry Man set over the servants. p^Ma^ciSi:
believe it, supposing the information was given him out of
envy to his favourite ; but commanded privately to watch him,
and if he went again to catch him there: which he not being
aware of, went again and was caught. At which the King
was very angry : for he allows none to come to the speech of
Ambassadors ; much less one that served in his presence and
heard and saw all that passed in Court. Yet the King dealt
very favourably with him. For had it been a Cingalese,
there is nothing more sure than that he should have died for
it ; but this Englishman's punishment was only to be sent
away, and kept a prisoner in the mountains without chains :
and the King ordered him to be well used there ; where indeed
he lived in better content than in the King's palace. He
took a wife there, and had one son by her ; and afterwards
died by a mischance, which was thus : as he was gathering
a Jak from the tree by a crook, it [? the tree] fell down upon
his side, and bruised him ; so that it killed him.
Henry Man, the other Englishman, yet remained in
favour ; and was promoted to be chief over all the King's
servants that attended on him in his palace. It happened
one day that he broke one of the King's china dishes: which
made him so sore afraid, that he fled for sanctuary into a
vehar, a temple where the chief priests always dwell and
hold the consultations. This did not a little displease the
King, this act of his supposing him to be of opinion that
those priests were able to secure him against the King's
displeasure. However he, showing reverence to their order,
would not violently fetch him from thence ; but sent a kind
message to the Englishman, bidding him "not to be afraid for
so small a matter as a dish " — and it is probable, had he not
added this fault, he might have escaped without punishment
— ** and that he should come, and act in his place as formerly."
At which message, he came forth; and immediately, as the King
had given orders, they took hold of him, and bound his arms
above the elbows behind ; which is their fashion of binding
men. In which manner, he lay all that night, being bound
so hard that his arms swelled, and the ropes cut through the
flesh into the bones. The next day the King commanded a
nobleman to loose the ropes off his arms, and to put chains
on his legs; and to keep him in his house, and there feed
him and cure him. Thus he lay some six months, and was
"^^■^M^ch^iesi:] Henry Man torn by elephants. 343
cured ; but had no strength in his arms : and then was taken
into his office again, and had as much favour from the King,
as before ; who seemed much to lament him for his folly,
thus to procure his own ruin.
Not long after, he again offended the King; which, as it is
reported, was thus. A Portuguese had been sent for to the
city [of Kandy] to be employed in the King's service; to which
service he had no stomach at all, and was greatly afraid
thereof, as he justly might be. For the avoiding thereof,
he sends a letter to this English courtier; wherein he entreated
him to use his interest to excuse him to the King. The
Englishman could not read the letter, it being written in
the Portuguese tongue, but gave it to another to read : which
when he knew the contents thereof, he thought it not safe
for him to meddle in that business, and so concealed the
letter. The person to whom the Englishman had given it to
read, some time after informed the King thereof. Whereupon
both the Portuguese that sent the letter, and the Englishman
to whom it was sent, and the third person that read it (because
he informed not sooner) were all three, at one time and in
one place, torn in pieces by elephants.
After this execution ; the King supposing that we might
be either discontented in ourselves or discountenanced by
the people of the land : sent special orders to all parts where
we dwelt, that we should be of good cheer; and not be
discouraged, neither abused by the natives.
Thus jealous is the King of letters, and allows none to
come or go.
We have seen how dear it cost poor Henry Man. Master
William Vassal, another of the Persia Merchant men, was
therefore more war}' of some letters he had ; and came off
better. This man had received several letters, as it was
known abroad that he had ; which he, fearing lest the King
should hear of, thought it most convenient and safe to go to
the Court and present them himself; that so he might plead
in his own defence to the King. Which he did. He acknow-
ledged to him that he had received letters, and that they
came to his hands, a pretty while ago ; but withal pretended
excuses and reasons to clear himself; as that, " when he
received them, he knew not that it was against the law and
344 Vassal's news of an English Victory. p^MaJih^iesi;
manner of the country ; and when he did know, he took
counsel of a Portuguese priest," who was now dead, " being
old and, as he thought, well experienced in the country : but
he advised him to defer awhile the carrying them unto the King
until a more convenient season. After this, he did attempt,"
he said, " to bring them unto the King; but could not be
permitted to have entrance through the Watches ; so that
until now, he could not have opportunity to present them."
The King at the hearing thereof, seemed not to be displeased
in the least, but bade him read them : which he did in the
English language, as they were written ; and the King sat
very attentive, as if he had understood every word. After
they were read, the King gave Vassal a letter he had inter-
cepted, sent to us from Sir Edward Winter, then Agent
at Fort St. George [Madras], and asked the news and contents
thereof: which Mr. Vassal informed him of, at large. It was
concerning the victory [on 3rd June 1665] we had gained over
the Dutch ; when Opdam, Admiral of Holland, was slain ; and
concerning the number of our ships in that fight: being there
specified to be an 150 sail. The King inquired much after the
number of guns and men they carried. The number of men,
he [Master Vassal] computed to be, one ship with another,
about 300 per ship. At which rate, the King demanded of him,
how many that was in all ? Which Mr. Vassal went about
to cast up in the sand, with his finger : but before he had
made his figures, the King had done it by head, and bade him
desist ; saying it was 45,000.
This news of the Hollanders' overthrow, and the English
victory much delighted the King; and he inquired into it very
particularly. Then the King pretended that he would send a
letter to the English nation, and bade Master Vassal inform
him of a trusty bearer : which he was very forward to do,
and named one of the best of those which he had made
trial of. One of the great men there present, objected against
him ; saying, he was insufficient, and asked him if he knew
no other. At which. Vassal suspected their design, which
was to learn who had brought those letters : and so framed
his answer accordingly, which was, that he knew no other.
There was much other discourse passed between the King
and him at this time, in the Portuguese tongue ; which, what
it was, I could never get out of him, the King having com-
*^^p^iarcifiX:] The King's jealousy of letters. 345
manded him to keep it secret : and he saith, he hath sworn
to himself not to divulge it, till he is out of the King's hands.
At parting, the King told him that for secrecy, he would
send him home privately, or otherwise he would have
dismissed him with drums and honour : but after this, the
King never sent for him again. And the man that he named
as fit and able to carry the King's letter, was sent away
prisoner to be kept in chains in the country. It is supposed
that they concluded him to have been the man that brought
Vassal his letters.
And thus much of the captivity and condition of the Persia
Merchant men.
346 The English summoned to Nillembe. p'^Ma^ch^X:
Chapter V.
Concernhig the means that were used for our deliver-
ance : and what happened to us in the rebellion ;
a7id how we were settled afterwards.
Ll of us, in this manner, remained until the year
1664. At whicli time arrived a letter on our behalf
to the King from the Right Worshipful Sir Edward
Winter, Governor of Fort George, and Agent
there. The Dutch Ambassador also at that time,
by a commission from the Governor of Colombo, treated with
the King for us. With Sir Edward's message the King was
much pleased, and with the Dutch Ambassador's mediation
so prevailed with ; that he promised he would send us away.
Upon this, he commanded us all to be brought to the city
of Nillembe. Whither, when we came, we were very joyful,
not only upon the hopes of our liberty; but also upon the
sight of one another. For several of us had not seen the
others, since we were first parted [in 1660]. Here also we
met with the Persia Merchant men; whom, until this time, we
had not seen. So that we were [originally] nine and twenty
English in all.
Some few days after our arrival at the city, we were all called
to Court. At which time, standing all of us in one of the palace
courtyards, the nobles by command from the King, came
forth and told us, "that it was His Majesty's pleasure to grant
unto us our liberty and to send us home to our country ; and
that we should not any more look upon ourselves as prisoners
or detained men." At which, we bowed our heads and thanked
His Majesty. They told us moreover, "that the King was
intending to send us either with the Dutch Ambassador or by
the boat which Sir Edward Winter had sent : and that it
was His Majesty's goodwill to grant us our choice." We
humbly referred it to His Majesty's pleasure. They answered,
'* His Majesty could and would do his pleasure, but his will
*^^^Ma^ch'^i6Si.] Tempted to enter the King's service. 347
was to know our minds." After a short consultation we
answered, *' Since it was his Majesty's pleasure to grant us
our choice" — with many thanks and obeisance — "we chose to
go with the Dutch Ambassador, fearing the boat's insuffi-
ciency." She having, as we were well sensible, laid there a
great while. And if we had chosen the boat, the danger of
going that way, might have served them for a put off to us;
and a plea to detain us still, out of care of us : and again, had
we refused the Ambassador's kindness at this time ; for the
future, if these things succeeded not with us now, we could
never have expected any more aid or friendship from that
nation. In the next place, they told us, " It was the King's
pleasure to let us understand, that all those that were willing
to stay and serve His Majesty ; should have very great
rewards, as towns, money, slaves, and places of honour
conferred upon them." Which all in general refused.
Then we were bidden to absent ourselves, while they
returned our answers to the King. By and bye, there came
an order to call us in, one at a time, when the former
promises were repeated to every one of us ; of great favours,
honours and rewards from the King to those that were
willing to stay with him : and after each one had given his
answer, he was sent into a corner of the courtyard, and then
another called ; and so all round, one after another : they
inquiring particularly concerning each man's trade and
office ; handicraftsmen and trumpeters being most desired by
the King. We being thus particularly examined again; there
was not one of us that was tempted by the King's rewards :
but all in general refused the King's honourable employment,
choosing rather to go to our native country. By which we
purchased the King's displeasure.
After this, they told us, that we must wait at the palace
gate daily : it being the King's pleasure that we should make
our personal appearance before him. In this manner, we
waited many days.
At length happened a thing which he least suspected, viz.,
a general rebellion of his people against him ; who assaulted
his palace in the night, but their hearts failed them, daring
not to enter the apartment where his person was. For
if they had had courage enough, they might have taken
him there : for he stayed in his palace until the morning,
348 A REBELLION BREAKS OUT AT NiLLEMBE. P^M^ch^eSi.
and then fled into the mountains and escaped their hands ;
but more through their cowardliness than his valour.
This rebellion I have related at large in the Second Part
[of this book] ; whither he that desires to know more of it,
may have recourse. Only I shall mention here a few things
concerning ourselves, who were gotten [had got] into the
midst of these broils and combustions ; being all of us now
waiting upon the King in the city of Nillembe.
We here break off Captain Knox's narrative, to give his account of this
rising, from the Second Part referred to.
A relation of the rebellion made against the King.
T HAPPENED in the year 1664 a.d. About which
time appeared a fearful blazing star [a comet]. Just
at the instant of the rebellion, the star was right
over our heads. And one thing I very much
wondered at was, that whereas before this rebellion,
the tail stood away towards the westward ; from which side
the rebellion sprang: the very night after — for I well observed
it — the tail turned, and stood away toward the eastward; and
by degrees it diminished quite away.
At this time, I say, the people of this land, having been
long and sore oppressed by this King's unreasonable and cruel
government, had contrived a plot against him : which was to
assault the King's Court in the night, and slay him ; and to
make the Prince his son, king — he being then some twelve or
fifteen years of age — who was then with his mother the Queen
in the city of Kandy.
At this time the King held his Court in a city called
Nillembe : the situation of which is far inferior to that of
Kandy ; and as far beyond that of Digligy where he now is.
Nillembe lieth some fourteen miles southward of the city of
Kandy. In the place where this city stands, it is reported by
tradition that an hare gave chase after a dog ; upon which it
was concluded that that place was fortunate : and so indeed
it proved to the King. It is environed with hills and woods.
The time appointed to put their design in action was the
2ist of December 1664, about twelve in the night. Having
got a select company of men — how many I know not well,
^"^Ma^ch^esT.] The King escapes to Digligy. 349
but as it is supposed not above 200 ; neither needed they
many here, having so many confederates in the Court — in
the dead of the night, they came marching into the city.
The Watch w^as thought to be of their confederacy : but if
he were not ; it was not in his power to resist them.
Howbeit afterwards, whether he were or not, he was executed
for it.
The said men being thus in the city, hastened and came
down to the Court ; and fell upon the great men [nobles]
which then lay without the palace upon watch — since which
time, by the King's order, they lie always within the palace —
for they were well informed beforehand, who were for them
and who not. Many who before were not intrusted to know
of their design, were killed and wounded : and those that
could, seeing the slaughter of others, got in unto the King ;
who was walled about with a clay wall, thatched. That was
all his strength. Yet these people feared to assault him ;
lying still until the morning.
At which time, the King made way to flee — fearing to stay
in his palace — endeavouring to get unto the mountains. He
had not with him above fifty persons. There went with him
horses ; but the ways were so bad, that he could not ride :
they were fain to drive an elephant before him, to break the
way through the woods ; that the King with his followers
might pass.
As he fled, they pursued him ; but at a great distance,
fearing to approach within shot of him : for he wanted not
excellent fowling pieces ; which are made there. So he got
safe upon a mountain called Gauluda, some fifteen miles
distant ; where many of the inhabitants that were near,
resorted to him. Howbeit had the people of the rebel party
been resolute — who were the major part and almost of all the
land — this hill could not have secured him, but they might
have driven him from thence ; there being many ways by
which they might have ascended.
There is not far from thence, a high and peaked hill called
Mondamounour ; where there is but one way to get up, and
that VQvy steep : at the top are great stones hanging in
chains to let fall when need requireth. Had he fled thither,
there had been no way to come at him : but he never will
adventure to go, where he may be stopped in.
350 The King's sister brings the Prince. [^'"'^Ma^jh^s^
The people having thus driven away the old King, marched
away to the city of Kandy, and proclaimed the Prince, king;
giving out to us English who were there, that what the\' had
done they had not done rashly, but upon good consideration
and with good advice : the King by his evil government
having occasioned it ; who went about to destroy them and
their country — as in keeping Ambassadors, disannulling of
trade, detaining all people that came upon his land, killing
his subjects and their children, and not suffering them to
enjoy nor to see their wives. All this was contrary to reason ;
and as they were informed, to the government of other
countries.
The Prince being 5'oung and tender, and having never been
out of the palace, nor ever seen any but those that attended
on his person ; was — as it seemed afterwards — scared to see
so many coming and bowing down to him, and telling him
that he was King; and that his father was fled into the
mountains. Neither did he say or act anything; as not
owning the business or else not knowing what to say or do.
This much discouraged the rebels, to see they had no more
thanks for their pains. And so all things stood until the
25th of December, at which time they intended to march and
fall upon the old King.
But in the interim, the King's sister flies away with the
Prince from the Court into the country near unto the King :
which so amazed the rebels, that they scattered about the
money, cloth and plunder which they had taken, and were
going to distribute to the strangers to gain their goodwill
and assistance ; and fled. Others of their company seeing
the business was overthrown ; to make amends for their
former fact, turned and fell on their consorts [confederates],
killing and taking prisoners all they could. The people were
now all up in arms one against another : killing whom they
pleased, only saying they w-ere rebels ; and taking their
goods.
By this time, a great man [nobleman] had drawn out his
men, and stood in the field : and there turned, and publicly
declared for the old King ; and so went to catch the rebels
that were scattered abroad: who —when he understood that
they were all fled, and no whole party or body left to resist
him — marched into the city killing all he could catch.
'^^'^Ma^ch^ies'l:] The rebels kill one another. 351
And so all revolted, and came back to the King again :
whilst he only lay still upon his mountain. The King needed
not to take care to catch or execute the rebels, for they
themselves out of their zeal to him and to make amends for
what was past ; imprisoned and killed all they met, the
plunder being their own. This continued for eight or ten
days.
Which the King hearing of, commanded to kill no more :
but that whom they took, they should imprison until
examination was passed : which was not so much to save
innocent persons from violence as that he might have the
rebels ; to torment them and make them confess their
confederates. For he spared none that appeared guilty.
Some to this day lie chained in prison ; being sequestered
from all their estates, and beg for their living.
One of the most notable rebels, called Ambom Wellaraul;
he sent to Colombo to the Dutch to execute ; supposing
they would invent new tortures for him, beyond what he
knew of: but they — instead of executing him — cut off his
chains, and entertained him kindly ; and there he is still in
the city of Colombo, they reserving him for some designs
they may hereafter have against that country.
The King could not but be sensible but that it was his
rigorous government that had occasioned this rebellion :
yet he amended it not in the least ; but on the contrary, like
to Rehoboam, added yet more to the people's yoke.
And being thus safely reinstated in his kingdom again :
and observing that the life of his son gave encouragement to
the rebellion ; he resolved to prevent it for the future by
taking him away : which upon the next opportunity he did
by poisoning him [pretending to send physic to cure him,
when he was sick].
But one thing there is, that argues him guilty of imprudence
and horrible ingratitude : that most of those that went along
with him when he fled, of whose loyalty he had such ample
experience, he has since cut off; and that with extreme
cruelty too.
In the month of February, 1666 ; there appeared in this
country another comet or stream in the west ; the head end
under the horizon, much resembling that which was seen in
England in December, 16S0. The sight of this did much
n. z 5
352 The English are carried to Kandy. pPMarch^iesI:
daunt both King and people : having but a year or two before
felt the sad event of a blazing star in this rebellion which I
have now related. The King sent men upon the highest
mountains in the land to look if they could perceive the head
of it : which they could not, it being still under the horizon.
This continued visible about the space of one month : and by
that time it was so diminished that it could not be seen.
But there were no remarkable passages that ensued
upon it.
We now resume our Author's narration.
It was a great and marvellous mercy of Almighty GOD
to bring us safe through these dangers ; for it so happened
all along, that we were in the very midst of them. Before
they gave the assault on the King's palace ; they were con-
sulting to lay hands on us : fearing lest we might be prejudicial
to their business in joining to the help and assistance of the
King against them. For though we were but few in com-
parison ; yet the name of white men was somewhat dreadful
to them : whereupon, at first, their counsels were to cut us
off. But others among them advised, that it would be better to
let us alone, "for that we, being ignorant of their designs" —
as indeed we were — "and quiet in our several lodgings ; could
not be provided to hurt or endanger them : but otherwise, if
they should lay hands on us, it would certainly come to the
King's ears, and alarm him; and then all would be frustrated
and overthrown." This, some of their own party have related
to us since. These counsels were not given out of any secret
goodwill any of them bore to us, as I believe : but proceeded
from the overruling hand of GOD, who put those things into
their hearts for our safety and preservation.
The people of the city of Nillembe, whence the King fled,
ran away also ; leaving their houses and goods behind them:
where we found good prey and plunder, being permitted to
ransack the houses of all such as were fled away with the
King.
The rebels having driven away the King, and marching to
the city of Kandy to the Prince, carried us along with them ;
the chief of their party telling us that we should now be of
good cheer, for what they had done they had done upon very
good advisement; the King's ill-government having given an
^^M^ch^iesi.'] They attempt their Christmas dinner. 353
occasion to it : who went about to destroy them and their
country : and particularly insisted upon such things as might
be plausible to strangers, such as keeping the Ambassadors,
discouraging trade, detaining of foreigners that came upon
his land, besides his cruelties towards themselves that were
his natural people. All which, they told us, they had been
informed was contrary to the government of other countries;
and now so soon as their business was settled, they assured
us, they would detain none that were minded to go to their
own country.
Being now at Kandy, on Christmas Day, of all the days
in the year ; they sent to call us to the Court, and gave us
some money and clothes first, to make us the more willing
to take up arms ; which they intended then to deliver unto
us, and to go with them upon a design to fall upon the old
King in the palace whither he was fled. But in the very
interim of time, GOD being merciful unto us ; the Prince
with his aunt fled : which so amazed and discouraged them,
that the money and clothes which they were distributing to
us and other strangers, to gain us over to them, they
scattered about the courtyard; and fled themselves. And
now followed nothing but the cutting of one another's throats,
to make themselves appear the more loyal subjects and
make amends for their former rebellion.
We, for our parts, little thinking in what danger we were,
fell into a scramble among the rest, to get what we could of
the money that was strewed about ; being then in great
necessity and want. For the allowance which formerly we
had, was in this disturbance lost ; and so we remained
without it for some three months ; the want of which, this
money did help to supply.
Having gotten what we could at the Court, we made our
way to get out of the hurly-burly, to our lodgings : intending,
as we were strangers and prisoners, neither to meddle nor to
make on the one side or the other ; being well satisfied, if
GOD would but permit us quietly to sit and eat such a
Christmas dinner together, as He had prepared for us.
For our parts, we had no other dealings with the rebels,
than to desire them to permit us to go to our native country ;
which liberty they promised we should not want long.
But being sent for by them to the Court, we durst not but go ;
354 They are called away by a Nobleman. [^^M^chSsi!
and they giving us such things as we wanted, we could
not refuse to take them. But the day being turned, put us
into great fear ; doubting how the King would take it at our
hands, from whom, we knew, this could not be hid.
Into our houses, we got safely : but no sooner were we
there ; but immediately we were called again by a great man,
who had drawn out his men, and stood in the field. This
man, we thought, had been one of the rebels who to secure
himself upon this change, had intended to run away down to
Colombo to the Dutch ; which made us repair to him the
more cheerfully, leaving our meat a roasting on the spit : but
it proved otherwise. For no sooner had he gotten us unto
him, but he proclaimed himself for the old King; and
forthwith he and his company, taking us with him, marched
away to fight or seize the rebels ; but meeting none, went
into the city of Kandy and there dismissed us, saying, " he
would acquaint the King how willing and ready we were to
fight for him, if need had required." Although, GOD knows,
it was the least of our thoughts and intents : yet GOD
brought it to pass for our good. For when the King was
informed of what we had received of the rebels : this piece of
good service that we had done or rather were supposed to
have done, was also told him. At the hearing of which, he
himself justified us to be innocent, saying, " Since my absence,
who was there that would give them victuals? " and, "It was
mere want that made them to take what they did." Thus
the words of the King's own mouth acquitted us : and when
the sword devoured on every side ; yet by the Providence of
GOD, not one hair of our heads perished.
The tumults being appeased and the rebellion vanquished;
the king was settled in his throne again. And all this
happened in five days.
We were now greatly necessitated for food, and wanted
some fresh orders from the King's mouth for our future
subsistence. So that having no other remedy, we were fain
to go and lay in the highway that leads to the city of
Kandy a begging : for the people would not let us go any
nearer towards the King, as we would have done. There
therefore we lay, that the King might come to a knowledge of
us; and give command for our allowance again. By which
means, we obtained our purpose. For having lain there some
^^^MaSh^S They are distributed, one in a town. 355
two months, the King was pleased to appoint our quarters in
the country as formerly ; not mentioning a word of sending
us away, as he had made us believe before the rebellion.
Now we were all sent away indeed, not into our own
country districts, but into new quarters : which being such
as GOD would have to be no better, we were glad it was so
well ; being sore a weary of lying in this manner. We were
all now placed one in a town, as formerly; together with the
Persia Merchant men also, who hitherto had lived in the city
of Kandy, and had their provisions brought them out of the
King's palace ready dressed. These were now sent away with
us into the country : and as strict charge was given for our
good entertainment, as before.
We were thus dispersed about the towns, here one and there
another, for the more convenient receiving of our allowance,
and for the greater ease of the people. And now we were far
better to pass [in a far better pass] than heretofore ; having
the language and being acquainted with the manners and
customs of the people; and we had the same proportion of
victuals and the like respect as formerly.
And now they fell into employments as they pleased,
either husbandry or merchandizing or knitting caps ; being
altogether free to do what they will themselves, and to go
where they will, except running away : and for that end, we
were not permitted to go down to the sea; but we might
travel all about the country, and no man regarded us. For
though the people, some of the first years of our captivity,
would scarcely let us go any whither, and had an eye upon
us afterwards ; yet in process of time, all their suspicions
of our going away wore off : especially when several of the
English had built them houses ; and others had taken them
wives, by whom they had children, to the number of eighteen
living, when I came away.
Having said all this in general of the English people there,
I will now continue a further account of myself.
;^^6 Author settles at Handapondoun. [^""^mSck^X;
Chapter VI.
A conti7iuation of the Author s particular condition
after rebellion. He purchaseth a piece of land.
Y HAP was to be quartered in a country called
Handapondoun, lying to the westward of the city of
Kandy ; which place liked [phased] me very well,
being much nearer to the sea than where I dwelt
before ; which gave me some probable hopes, that
in time I might chance to make an escape. But in the mean
time, to free myself from the suspicion of the people — who
watched me by night, and by day had an eye to all my
actions — I went to work, with the help of some of my neigh-
bours to build me another house, upon the bank of a river;
and intrenched it round with a ditch, and planted an hedge :
and so began to settle myself, and followed my business of
knitting, and going about the country a trading ; seeming to
be very well contented in this condition.
Lying so long at the city [of Kandy] without allowance, I had
spent all to some seven shillings ; which served me for a stock
to set up again in these new quarters : and — by the blessing
of my most gracious GOD, which never failed me in all my
undertakings — I soon came to be well furnished with what that
country afforded. Insomuch that my neighbours and towns-
men no more suspected my running away ; but earnestly
advised me to marry, saying '* it would be an ease and help to
me:" knowing that I then dressed my victuals myself; having
turned my boy to seek his fortune, when we were at the city
of Kandy. They urged also, "that it was not convenient for
a young m.an as I was to live so solitarily alone in a house ;
and if it should so come to pass that the King should send
me hereafter to my country, their manner of marriage," they
said, " was not like ours, and I might without any offence,
discharge my wife, and go away."
I seemed not altogether to slight their counsel, that they
might the less suspect that I had any thoughts of mine
own country; but told them, that, "as yet, I was not
^^Mr^ch^iosi'.] Afterwards is moved to Lagoondenia. 357
sufficiently stocked," and also, " that I would look for one that
I could love," though in my heart I never purposed any
such matter ; but on the contrary, did heartily abhor all
thoughts tending that vi^ay.
In this place I lived two years and all that time, could
not get one likely occasion of running for it ; for I thought it
better to forbear running too great a hazard, by being over
hasty to escape; than to deprive myself of all hopes for the
future, when time and experience would be a great help to me.
In the year 1666, the Hollanders came up and built a fort
just below me ; there being but a ridge of mountains between
them and me ; but though so near, I could not come to them,
a Watch being kept at every passage. The King sent down
against them two great commanders with their armies ; but
being not strong enough to expel them ; they lay in these
Watches to stop them from coming up higher. The name
of this fort was called Arranderre : which although they could
not prevent the Dutch from building at that time ; yet some
years after, when they were not aware, they fell upon it and
took it ; and brought all the people of it up to Kandy, where
those that remained alive were, when I came from thence.
In this country [county] of Hotterakorle where the Dutch
had built this fort ; were four Englishmen placed, whereof I
was one. Respecting all of whom, the King immediately upon
the news of the Dutch invasion, sent orders to bring up out
of the danger of the war into Conde Uda ; fearing that
which we were intending to do, viz. — to run away.
This invasion happening so unexpectedly, and our remove
being so sudden : I was forced to leave behind me that
little estate which GOD had given me, being scattered
abroad in betel nuts, the great commodity of that country;
which I was then in parting from. Much ado I had to get
my clothes brought along with me ; the enemies, as they
called them (but my friends) being so near. And thus I was
carried out of this county as poor as I came into it, leaving
all the fruits of my labour and industry behind me : which
called to my remembrance the words of Job, " Naked came I
into this world, and naked shall I return. GOD gave and
GOD hath taken away. Blessed be the name of the Lord."
We all four were brought together up into a town on the top
of a mountain, called Lagoondenia: where I and my dear friend
358 Their good entertainment ordered. [^^^Mareh^xTsi:
and fellow-prisoner Master John Loveland, lived together in
one house. For by this time, not many of our people were
as we were, that is, single men : but seeing so little hope,
despaired of their liberty; and had taken wives or bedfellows.
At our first coming into this town, we were very much
dismayed: it being one of the most dismal places that I have
seen upon that land. It stands alone upon the top of a
mountain and no other town near it, and has not above
four or five houses in it. And oftentimes into this town, did
the King use to send such malefactors as he was minded
suddenly to cut off. Upon these accounts, our being brought
to this place, could not but scare us; and the more because it
was the King's special order and command to place us in this
very town.
But this our trouble and dejection, thanks be to GOD !
lasted but a day ; for the King seemed to apprehend into
what a fit of fear and sorrow, this our remove would cast us;
and to be sensible, how sadly we must needs take it to
change a sweet and pleasant country such as Handapondoun
and the country adjacent was, for this most sad and dismal
mountain. And therefore the next day came a comfortable
message from the King's own mouth, sent by no less a man
than he who had the chief power and command over those
people, who were appointed to give us our victuals, where
we were. This message which, as he said himself, he was
ordered by the King to deliver to the people in our hearing,
was this, *' That they should not think that we were male-
factors, that is, such, who having incurred the King's
displeasure, were sent to be kept prisoners there ; but men
whom his Majesty did highly esteem and meant to promote
to great honour in his service ; and that they should respect
us as such, and entertain us accordingly. And if their ability
would not reach thereunto, it was the King's order," he said,
" to bid them sell their cattle and goods, and when that was
done, their wives and children : rather than we should want
of our due allowance," which he ordered should be as formerly
ive used to have : '* and if we had not houses thatched and
sufficient for us to dwell in," he said, "we should change
and take theirs."
This kind order from the King coming so suddenly, did not
a little comfort and encourage us : for then we did perceive
*^^Ma^ch^i68i:] Three years at Lagoondenia. 359
the King's purpose and intent in placing us in those remote
parts, was not to punish us, but there that we might be his
instruments to plague and take revenge of that people ; who
it seems had plundered the King's palace in the time of the
late rebellion, when he left it and fled, for this town lies near
unto the same [i.e. Nillembe]. And their office lying about
the Court, they had the fairer opportunity of plundering it :
for the service they have to perform to the King is to carry
his palanquin, when he pleaseth to ride therein ; and also
to bring milk every morning to the Court, they being keepers
of the King's cattle.
In this town we remained some three years, by which time
we were grown quite weary of the place ; and the place and
people also grown weary of us, who were but troublesome
guests to them; for having such great authority given us over
them, we would not lose it ; and being four of us in call one
of another, we would not permit or suffer them to domineer
over us. Being thus tired with one another's company, and
the King's order being of an old date, we used all the means
we could to clear ourselves of one another ; often repairing
unto the Court to seek to obtain a license that we might be
removed and placed anywhere else ; but there was none that
durst grant it, because it was the King's peculiar command
and special appointment that we must abide in that very
town.
During the time of our stay here, we had our victuals
brought us in good order and due season, the inhabitants
having such a charge given them by their Governor, and he
from the King; durst not do otherwise : so that we had but
little to do ; only to dress and eat, and sit down to knit.
I had used the utmost of my skill and endeavour to get a
license to go down to my former quarters, all things being
now pretty well settled ; hoping that I might recover some of
my old debts: but by no means could I obtain it. The denial
of so reasonable a desire, put me upon taking leave. I was
well acquainted with the way, but yet I hired a man to
go with me; without which I could not get through the
Watches : for although I was the master and he the man ;
yet when we came into the Watches ; he was the keeper and
I the prisoner. And by this means we passed without being
suspected.
360 He returns to his former residence. p^Mj^h^esi".
Being come into my old quarters, by pretending that this
man was sent down from the magistrate to see that my debts
and demands might be dul3'paid and discharged, I chanced to
recover some of them; and the rest I gave over for lost: for
I never more looked after them. And so I began the world
anew ; and, by the blessing of GOD, was again pretty well
recruited, before I left this town.
In the time of my residence here [at Lagoondenia], I
chanced to hear of a small piece of land that was to be sold ;
about which I made very diligent inquiry : for although I
was sore a weary of living in this town, yet I could not get
out of it ; not having other new quarters appointed me, unless
I could provide a place for myself to remove to ; which now
GOD had put into my hand. As for the King's command I
dreaded it not much, having found by observation that the
King's orders wore away by time, and that the neglect of
them comes at last to be unregarded. However I was resolved
to put it to the hazard, come what would.
Although I had been now some seven or eight years in this
land, and by this time came to know pretty well the customs
and constitutions of the nation, yet I would not trust my
own knowledge ; but to prevent the worst, I went to the
Governor of that same country where the land lay, to desire
his advice, whether or not I might lawfully buy that small
piece of land. He inquired "whose, and what land it was ?" I
informed him "that it had been formerly dedicated to a priest,
and he at his death had left it to his grandson ; who for want,
was forced to sell it." Understanding this, the Governor
approved of the business, and encouraged me to buy it ;
saying " that such kind of lands only, were lawful here to be
bought and sold, and that this was not in the least litigious."
Having gotten both his consent and advice, I went on
cheerfully with my purchase. The place also liked [pleased]
me wondrously well : it being a point of land, standing into
a cornfield ; so that cornfields were on three sides of it, and
just before my door, a little corn ground belonging thereto
and very well watered. In the ground besides eight cocoa-
nut trees, there were all sorts of fruit trees that the
country afforded. But it had been so long desolate that it
was all overgrown with bushes, and had no sign of a house
therein.
^""Ma^ch^rsi:] He buys land at Elledat. 361
The price of this land was five and twenty larees, that is,
five dollars, a great sum of money in the account of this
country: yet — thanks be to GOD ! who had so far enabled me
after my late and great loss — I was strong enough to lay this
down. The terms of purchase being concluded on between
us, a writing was made upon a leaf after that country's
manner, witnessed by seven or eight men of the best quality
in the town, which was delivered to me ; and I paid the
money, and then took possession of the land. It lies some
ten miles to the southward of the city of Kandy in the county
of Oodanowera, in the town of Elledat.
Now I went about building a house upon my land, and
was assisted by three of my countrymen that dwelt near by ;
Roger Gold, Ralph Knight, and Stephen Rutland : and
in a short time, we finished it. The country people were all
well pleased to see us thus busy ourselves about buying of
land, and building of houses ; thinking it would tie our minds
the faster to their country, and make us think the less upon
our own.
Though I had built my new house, yet durst I not yet
leave my old quarters in Lagoondenia, but waited until a
more convenient time fell out for that purpose. I went away
therefore to my old home; and left my aforesaid three English
neighbours to inhabit it in my absence.
Not long after, I found a fit season to begone to my estate
at Elledat : and upon my going the rest [of the four] left the
town [of Lagoondenia] also, and went and dwelt elsewhere ;
each one lived where he best liked. But by this means, we
all lost a privilege which we had before ; which was, that our
victuals were brought unto us: and now we were forced to
go and fetch them ourselves ; the people alleging, truly
enough, that they were not bound to carry our provisions
about the country after us.
Being settled in my new house, I began to plant ground
full of all sorts of fruit trees, which, by the blessing of GOD,
all grew and prospered, and yielded me plenty and good
increase ; sufficient both for me and those that dwelt with
me : for the three Englishmen I left at my house when I
departed back to Lagoondenia, still lived with me.
We were all single men, and we agreed very well together,
362 Lives there, with three Englishmen. P'^Mareh^iesi:
and were helpful to one another. And for their help and
assistance, I freely granted them liberty to use and enjoy
whatsoever the ground afforded, as much as myself. And,
with a joint consent, it was concluded amongst us, "that only
single men and bachelors should dwell there; and that such
as would not be conformable to this present agreement,
should depart and absent himself from our society ; and also
forfeit his right and claim to the forementioned privilege,
that is, to be cut off from all benefit of whatsoever the trees
and ground afforded."
I thought fit to make such a covenant, to exclude women
from coming in among us, to prevent all strife and dissension,
and to make all possible provision for the keeping up of love
and quietness among ourselves.
In this manner, we four lived together some two years
very lovingly and contentedly ; not an ill word passing
between us. We used to take turns in keeping at home,
while the rest went forth about their business. For our
house stood alone, and had no neighbour near it : therefore
we always left one within. The rest of the Englishmen
lived round about us ; some four or five miles distant, and
some more : so that we were, as it were, within reach one of
another, which made us like our present situation the more.
Thus we lived upon the mountains, being beset round about
us with Watches, most of our people being now married:
so that now all talk and suspicion of our running away was
laid aside; neither indeed was it scarcely possible. The
effect of which was that now we could walk from one to the
other, or where we would upon the mountains; no man
molesting or disturbing us in the least : so that we began to
go about a pedling and trading in the country further towards
the northward, carrying our caps about to sell.
By this time, two of our company [Roger Gold and
Ralph Knight] seeing but little hopes of liberty, thought it
too hard a task thus to lead a single life ; and married :
which when they had done, according to the former agreement,
they departed from us.
So that our company was now reduced to two, namely,
myself and Stephen Rutland ; whose inclination and
resolution was as steadfast as mine against marriage. And
we parted not to the last, but came away together.
Capt. R. Knox
Mi^zesi.'] As TO MARRIAGES WITH CINGALESE. :^6^
ChapterVII.
A return to the rest of the English, with some further
accotmts of them. And some further discourse
of the Authors course of life.
Et us now make a visit to the rest of our country-
men ; and see how they do.
They reckoning themselves in for their lives, in
order to their future settlement, were generally
disposed to marry ; concerning which we have
had many and sundry disputes among ourselves: as particu-
larly, concerning the lawfulness of matching with heathens
and idolaters, and whether the Cingalese marriage were any
better than living in whoredom, there being no Christian
priests to join them together ; and it being allowed by their
laws, to change their wives and take others, as often as they
pleased.
But these cases we solved for our own advantage, after
this manner, "that we were but flesh and blood;" and that it
is said " it is better to marry than to burn ; " and that, '* as
far as we could see, we were cut off from all marriages
anywhere else, even for our lifetime, and therefore that we
must marry with these or with none at all : and when the
people in Scripture were forbidden to take wives of strangers,
it was then when they might intermarry with their own
people, and so no necessity lay on them ; and that when
they could not, there are examples in the Old Testament
upon record, that they took wives of the daughters of the
land, wherein they dwelt."
These reasons being urged, there were none among us,
that could object ought against them: especially if those that
were minded to marry women here did take them for their
wives during their lives ; as some of them say they do, and
most of the women they marry are such as do profess
themselves to be Christians.
364 The English in a flourishing state. ['^"'^M^ch^M^
As for mine own part, however lawful these marriages
might be, yet I judged it far more convenient for me to
abstain, and that it more redounded to my good, having
always a reviving hope in me that my GOD had not for-
saken me, but that according to his gracious promise to
the Jews in the 30th chapter of Deuteronomy, and the
beginning, "would turn my captivity, and bring me into the
land of my fathers." These and such like meditations,
together with my prayers to GOD, kept me from that unequal
yoke of unbelievers; which several of my countrymen and
fellow-prisoners put themselves under.
By this time, our people, having plied their business hard,
had almost knit themselves out of work ; and now caps were
become a very dead commodity, which were the chief stay
they had heretofore to trust to. So that now, most of them
betook themselves to other employments : some to husbandry,
ploughing ground, and sowing rice and keeping cattle ; others
distilled arrack to sell : others went about the country a
trading. For that which one part of the land affords is a
good commodity to carry to another that wants it. And thus,
with the help of a little allowance, they make a shift to
subsist. Most of their wives spin cotton yarn ; which is a
great help to them for clothing; and, at spare times, also knit.
After this manner, by the blessing of GOD, our nation hath
lived and still doth, in as good a fashion as any other people
or 'nation whatsoever that are strangers there, or as any of the
natives themselves : the grandees and courtiers only excepted.
This I speak to the praise and glory of our GOD, who loves
the stranger in giving him food and raiment ; and that hath
been pleased to give us favour and a good repute in the sight
of our enemies. We cannot complain for want of justice in
any wrongs we have sustained by the people, or that our
cause hath been discountenanced : but rather that we have
been favoured above the natives themselves.
One of our men happened to be beaten by a neighbour. At
which, we were very much concerned, taking it as a reproach
to our nation ; and fearing that it might embolden others to
do the like by the rest of us : therefore, with joint consent,
we all concluded to go to the Court to complain, and to desire
satisfaction from the Adigar. Which we did. Upon this,
the man who had beaten the Englishman was summoned
^^M^h^i68i:] Varnham in charge of the artillery. 365
in, to appear before him : who, seeing so many of us there
and fearing the cause would go very hard with him, to make
the judge his friend, gave him a bribe. He having received
it, would have shifted off the punishment from the malefactor:
but we, day after day, followed him from house to Court and
from place to place, wherever he went ; demanding justice
and satisfaction for the wrong we had received, and showing
the black and blue blows upon the Englishman's shoulders
to all the rest of the noblemen at Court. He, fearing therefore
lest the King might be made acquainted therewith, was forced
— though much against his will — to clap the Cingalese in
chains. In which condition, after he had got him ; he
released him not, till besides the former fee, he had given
him another.
Lately [i.e. about 1678], was Richard Varnham taken into
the King's servdce, and held as honourable employment as
ever any Christian had, in my time ; being Commander of
970 soldiers, and set over all the great guns; and besides this
several towns were put under him. A place of no less profit
than honour. The King gave him an excellent silver sword
and halbert, the like to which the King never gave to any
white man in my time. But he had the good luck to die a
natural death : for had not that prevented, in all probability
he should have followed the two Englishmen spoken of before,
that served him.
Some years since, some of our nation took up arms under
the King : which happened on this occasion. The Hollanders
had a small fort in the King's country, called Bibligom fort.
This the King minding to take and demolish, sent his army
to besiege it ; but it was pretty strong : for there were about
ninety Dutchmen in it besides a good number of black
soldiers; and it had four guns, on each point of the compass
one. Being in this condition, it held out.
Some of the great men informed the King of several Dutch
runaways in his land that might be trusted, as not daring to
turn again, for fear of the gallows ; who might help to reduce
the fort : and that also there were white men of other nations
that had wives and children from whom they would not run ;
and that these might do him good service. Unto this advice
the King inclined. Whereupon the King made a declaration
to invite the foreign nations into his service against
vD
66 The King enlists strangers. L^^M^ch^iX,
Bibligom fort, that he would compel none, but that such as
were willing of their own free accord, the King would take it
kindly, and they should be well rewarded.
Now there entered into the King's service upon this
expedition, some of all nations ; both Portuguese, Dutch, and
English ; about the number of thirty. To all that took arms,
he gave the value of twenty shillings in money, and three
pieces of calico for clothes: and commanded them to wear
breeches, hats, and doublets; a great honour there. The King
intended a Dutchman, who had been an old servant to him,
to be captain over them all : but the Portuguese not caring to
be under the command of a Dutchman, desired a captain of
their own nation ; which the King granted, studying to please
them at this time. But the English, being but six, were too
few to have a captain over them ; and so were forced some
to serve under the Dutch, and some under the Portuguese
captain. There were no more of the English, because being
left at their liberty, they thought it safest to dwell at home ;
and cared not much to take arms under a heathen against
Christians.
They were all ready to go, their arms and amunition ready,
with guns prepared to send down ; but before they went,
tidings came that the fort yielded at the King's mercy. After
this, the whites thought they had got an advantage of the
King, in having these gifts for nothing : but the King did not
intend to part with them so, but kept them to watch at his
gate ; and now they are reduced to great poverty and
necessity.
For since the King's first gift, they have never received
any pay or allowance : though they have often made their
addresses to him to supply their wants ; signifying their
forwardness to serve him faithfully. He speaks them fair,
and tells them he will consider them ; but does not in the
least regard them. Many of them since, after three or four
years' service, have been glad to get other poor runaway
Dutchmen to serve in their steads ; giving them as much
money and clothes as they received from the King before,
that so they might get free to come home to their wives
and children.
The Dutch captain would afterwards have forced the rest
of the English to have come under him, and called them
^^M^ch^S The Author begins to lend out corn. 367
"traitors," because they would not; and threatened them : but
they scorned him and bid him do his worst, and would never
be persuaded to be soldiers under him ; saying, that " it was
not so much his zeal to the King's service, as his own pride
to make himself greater, by having more men under him."
I will now turn to the progress of my own story.
It was now about the year 1672. I related before, that my
family was reduced to two, myself and one honest man more.
We lived solitarily and contented, being well settled in a good
house of my own. Now we fell to breeding up goats. We
begun with two, but, by the blessing of GOD, they soon came
to a good many ; and their flesh served us instead of mutton.
We kept hens and hogs also. And seeing no sudden likelihood
of liberty, we went about to make all things handsome and
convenient about us ; which might be serviceable to us while
we lived there, and might further our liberty, whensoever we
should see an occasion to attempt it : which it did, in taking
away all suspicion from the people concerning us ; who — not
having wives as the others had — they might well think, lay
the readier to take any advantage to make an escape. Which
indeed we two did plot and consult about between ourselves,
with all imaginable privacy, long before we could go away :
and therefore we laboured, by all means, to hide our designs,
and to free them from so much as suspicion.
We had now brought our house and ground to such a
perfection, that few noblemen's seats in the land could excel
us. On each side was a great thorn gate for entrance, which
is the manner of that country. The gates of the city are of
the same. We built also another house in the yard, all open
for air ; for ourselves to sit in, or any neighbours that came to
talk with us. For seldom should we be alone; our neighbours
oftener frequenting our house than we desired : out of whom
to be sure, we could pick no profit ; for their coming was
always either to beg or to borrow. For although we were
strangers and prisoners in their land, yet they would confess
that Almighty GOD had dealt far more bountifully with us
than with them, in that we had a far greater plenty of all
things than they.
I now began to set up a new trade. For the trade of
knitting was grown dead : and husbandry I could not follow,
n. 2 A 5
368 He becomes prosperous at Elledat. [^^^laSk^iX.
not having a wife to help and assist me therein ; a great part
of husbandry properly belonging to the woman to manage.
Whereupon I perceived a trade in use among them, which
was to lend out corn : the benefit of which was fifty per cent,
per annum. This I saw to be the easiest and most profitable
way of living : whereupon I took in hand to follow it ; and
what stock I had, I converted into corn or rice in the husk.
And now as customers came for corn, I let them have it; to
receive back at their next harvest, when their own corn was
ripe, the same quantity I had lent them, and half as much
more. But as the profit is great, so is the trouble of getting
it in also. For he that useth this trade must watch when
the debtor's field is ripe and claim his due in time ; otherwise
other creditors coming before him, will seize all upon the
account of their debts, and leave no corn at all for those that
come later. For these that come thus a borrowing, generally
carry none of their corn home when it is ripe : for their
creditors ease them of that labour, by coming into their fields
and taking it ; and commonly they have not half enough to
pay what they owe. So that they that miss getting their
debts this year, must stay till the next; when it will be
doubled, two measures for one ; but the interest never runs
up higher, though the debt lies seven years unpaid. By means
thereof I was put to a great deal of trouble ; and was forced
to watch early and late to get in my debts, and many times
missed of them after all my pains. Howbeit when my stock
did increase so that I had deahngs with many ; it mattered
not if I lost in some places ; the profit of the rest was
sufficient to bear that out.
And thus, by the blessing of GOD, my little was increased
to a great deal. For He had blessed me so, that I was able
to lend to my enemies ; and had no need to borrow of them :
so that I might use the words of Jacob, not out of pride
of myself, but thankfulness to GOD, "that He brought me
hither with my staff, and blessed me so here, that I became
two bands."
For some years together after I had removed to my own
house from Lagoondenia, the people from whence I came
continued my allowance, that I had when I lived among
them ; but now in plain terms, they told me " they could give
it to me no more; and that I was better able to live without
Capt. R. Knox.1
March 1681. J
Allowance now given at Digligy. 369
it, than they to give it me : " which though I knew to be true,
yet I thought not fit to lose that portion of allowance, which
the King was pleased to allow me. Therefore I went to Court
and appealed to the Adigar, to whom such matters did
belong: who upon consideration of the people's poor condition,
appointed me monthly to come to him at the King's
palace for a ticket to receive my allowance out of the King's
storehouses.
Hereby I was brought into a great danger ; out of which
I had much ado to escape, and that with the loss of my
allowance for ever after. I shall relate the manner of it in
the next chapter.
370 Narrow escape of promotion. ["^""Mich^si.'
Chapter VIII
Hoiu the AtdJior had like to have been received into
the Kings service^ and what means he used
to avoid it. He meditates and attempts
an escape ; bnt is of ten prevented.
His frequent appearance at the Court, and waiting
there for my tickets; brought me to be taken notice
of by the great men, insomuch "that they wondered
I had been all this while forgotten, and neverbeen
brought before the King; being so fit, as they would
suppose me, for his use and service; "saying, "that from hence-
forward I should fare better than that allowance amounted
to ; as soon as the King was made acquainted with me."
Which words of theirs served instead of a ticket. Whereupon
fearing that I should suddenly be brought in to the King,
which thing I most of all feared and least desired; and
hoping that out of sight might prove out of mind, I resolved
to forsake the Court, and never more to ask for tickets :
especially seeing GOD had dealt so bountifully with me as to
give me ability to live well enough without them : as when
Israel had eaten of the corn of the land of Canaan, the
manna ceased ; so when I was driven to forego my allowance
that had all this while sustained me in this wilderness, GOD
in other ways provided for me.
From this time fonvard to the time of my flight out of the
land, which was five years ; I neither had nor demanded
any more allowance : and glad I was that I could escape so.
But I must have more trouble first. For, some four or five
days after my last coming from Court, there came a soldier to
me, sent from the Adigar, with an order in writing under his
hand, " that upon sight thereof, I should immediately dispatch
and come to the Court, to make my personal appearance
before the King : and that in case of any delay, the officers
of the country were thereby authorized and commanded to
'^"'Kch^iesi;] OWA MaTTERAL's WELL-MEANT DESIGNS. 37 1
assist the bearer, and to see the same order speedily
performed."
The chief occasion of this, had been a person, not long
before my near neighbour and acquaintance, OwA Matteral
by name, who knew my manner of life, and had often been
at my house ; but now was taken in and employed at Court :
and he out of friendship and goodwill to me, was one of the
chief actors in this business, that he might bring me to
preferment at Court.
Upon the abovesaid summons, there was no remedy,
but to Court I must go. Where I first applied myself to my
said old neighbour, Owa Matteral, who was the occasion of
sending for me. I signified to him "that I was come in
obedience to the warrant, and I desired to know the reason
why I was sent for." To which he answered, " Here is good
news for you. Your are to appear in the King's presence,
where you will find great favour and honourable entertainment;
far more than any of your countrymen yet have found."
Which the great man thought would be a strong inducement
to persuade me joyfully to accept of the King's employments.
But this was the thing I always most dreaded, and endeavoured
to shun ; knowing that being taken into Court would be a
means to cut off all hopes of liberty from me ; which was
the thing that I esteemed as equal unto life itself.
Seeing myself brought into this pass, wherein I had no
earthly helper, I recommended my cause to GOD ; desiring
Him in whose hands are the hearts of kings and princes, to
divert the business : and my cause being just and right, I
was resolved to persist in a denial. My case seemed to me
to be like that of the four lepers at the gate of Samaria. No
avoiding of death for me. If out of ambition and honour,
I should have embraced the King's service; besides the
depriving myself of all hopes of liberty, in the end I must be
put to death, as happens to all that serve him : and to deny his
service, could be but death ; and it seemed to me, to be the
better death of the two. For if I should be put to death,
only because I refused his service ; I should be pitied as one
that died innocently : but if I should be executed in his
service, however innocent I was, I should be certainly
reckoned a rebel and a traitor; as they all are, whom he
commands to be cut off.
372 Author declines the King's service. pPMa^'h^zesi.
Upon these considerations, having thus set my resolutions,
as GOD enabled me, I returned him this answer. " First,
that the English nation to whom I belonged, had never done
any violence or wrong to their King, either in word or deed.
Secondly, that the causes of my coming on their land was
not like that of other nations, who were either enemies taken
in war; or such as by reason of poverty or distress, were driven
to sue for relief, out of the King's bountiful liberality; or such
as fled for the fear of deserved punishment : whereas, as they
all well knew, I came not upon any of these causes, but on
account of trade; and came ashore to receive the King's orders,
which by notice we understood were come concerning us,
and to render an account to the Dissauva of the reasons and
occasions of our coming into the King's port. And that by
the grief and sorrow I had undergone, by being so long
detained from my native country — but, for which I thanked
the King's majesty, without want of anything — I scarcely
enjoyed myself: for my heart was always absent from my
body." Hereunto adding, my insufficiency and inability for
such honourable employment ; being subject to many in-
firmities and diseases of body.
To this he replied, " Cannot you read and write English ?
servile labour the King requireth not of you."
I answered, " When I came ashore I was but young, and
that which I then knew, now I had forgotten for want of
practice; having had neither ink nor paper ever since I came
ashore." I urged moreover " that it was contrary to the
custom and practice of all kings and princes upon the earth,
to keep and detain men that came into their countries upon
such peaceable accounts as we did; much less to compel
them to serve them, beyond their power and ability."
At my first coming before him, he looked very pleasingly, and
spake with a smiling countenance to me ; but now his smiles
were turned into frowns, and his pleasing looks into bended
brows: and in rough language, he bade me begone, and tell
my tale to the Adigar. Which immediately I did ; but he
being busy, did not much regard me : and I was glad of it,
that I might absent myself from the Court ; but I durst not
go out of the city [of Digligy] . Sore afraid I was, that evil
would befall me ; and the best I could expect, was to be put
in chains. All my refuge was in prayer to GOD, "whose
^""M^ch^Xj Is FOR A TIME IN GREAT DREAD. 2)72,
hand was not shortened that it could not save: " and "would
make all things work together for good to them that trust in
Him." From Him only did I expect help and deliverance in
that time of need.
In this manner, I lodgedin an Englishman's housethat dwelt
in the city, ten days : maintaining myself at my own charge,
waiting with a sorrowful heart and daily expecting to hear
my doom. In the meantime my countrymen and acquaintance :
some of them hlamed me for refusing so fair a proffer, whereby
I might not only have lived well myself, but also have been
helpful unto my poor countrymen and friends ; others of them
pitying me, suspecting, as I did, nothing but a wrathful
sentence from so cruel a tyrant, if GOD did not prevent it.
And Richard Varnham — who was, at this time, a great man
about the King — was not a little scared to see me run the
hazard of what might ensue ; rather than be partaker with
him in the felicities of the Court.
It being chargeable thus to lie at the city, and hearing
nothing more of my business ; I took leave without asking,
and went home to my house, which was but a day's distance
to get some victuals to carry with me, and to return again.
But soon after I came home, I was sent for again ; so I took
my load of victuals with me, and arrived at the city : but
went not to the Court but to my former lodging ; where I
stayed as formerly, until I had spent all my provisions. And
by the good hand of my GOD upon me ; I never heard any
more of that matter. Neither came I any more into the
presence of the great men at Court ; but dwelt in my own
plantation, upon what GOD provided for me by my labour
and industry.
For now I returned to my former course of life : dressing
my victuals daily with my own hands, and fetching both
wood and water upon mine own back. And this, for ought I
could see to the contrary, I was Hkely to continue for my
lifetime. This I could do for the present ; but I began to
consider how helpless I should be, if it should please GOD
that I should live till I grew old and feeble. So I entered
upon a consultation with myself for the providing against
this. One way was, the getting of me a wife ; but that I
was resolved never to do. Then I began to inquire for some
poor body to live with me ; to dress my victuals for me, that
374 Makes preparations for escape. P^Mafch^X'
I might live at a little more ease : but could not find any to
my mind. Whereupon I considered that there was no better
way, than to take one of my poor countrymen's children,
whom I might bring up to learn both my own language and
religion : and this might be not only charity to the child ;
but a kindness to myself also afterwards. And several there
were that would be glad so to be eased of their charge, having
more than they could well maintain. A child therefore I took,
by whose aptness, ingenuity and company, as I was much
delighted at present; so afterwards I hoped to be served.
It was now about the year 1673. Although I had now
lived many years in this land, and, GOD be praised ! I wanted
for nothing the land afforded ; yet I could not forget my
native country, England, and lamented under the famine of
GOD's Word and Sacraments : the want whereof I found
greater than all earthly wants, and my daily and fervent
prayers to GOD were, in His good time, to restore me to the
enjoyment of them.
I and my companion [Stephen Rutland] were still
meditating upon our escape, and the means to compass it :
which our pedling about the country did greatly promote. For
speaking well the language, and going with our commodities
from place to place ; we used often to entertain discourse
with the country people, namely, concerning the ways and the
countries; and where there were most and fewest inhabitants;
and where and how the Watches laid from one country
[district] to another; and what commodities were proper to
carry from one part to the other: pretending we would, from
time to time, go from one place to another to furnish our-
selves with the wares that the respective places afforded. None
doubted but that we had made these inquiries for the sake of
our trade ; but ourselves had other designs in them : neither
was there the least suspicion of us, for these our questions ;
all supposing I would never run away and leave such an
estate as in their accounts and esteem I had.
By diligent inquiry, I had come to understand that the
easiest and most probable way to make an escape, was by
travelling to the northward: that part of the land being least
inhabited. Therefore we furnished ourselves with such wares
as were vendible in those parts, as tobacco, pepper, garlic,
combs, all sorts of iron ware, &c: and being laden with these
^^Ma^ch^S They travel about trading. 375
things; we two set forth, bending our course towards the
northern parts of the island, knowing very little of the way.
And the ways of this country generally are intricate and
difficult, there being no great highways that run through the
land ; but a multitude of little paths, some from one town to
another, some into the fields, and some into the woods where
they sow their corn : and the whole country is covered with
woods, so that a man cannot see anything but just before
him. And that which makes them most difficult of all is,
that the ways shift and alter : new ways being often made
and old ways stopped up. For they cut down woods, and
sow the ground : and having got one crop off from it, they
leave it ; and the wood soon grows over it again. And in
case a road went through those woods, they stop it, and
contrive another way ; neither do they regard though it goes
two or three miles about. And to ask and inquire the way,
was very dangerous for us white men : it occasioning the
people to suspect us. And the Cingalese themselves never
travel in countries [districts] where they are not experienced,
without a guide, it being so difficult : and there was no
getting a guide to conduct us down to the sea.
But we made a shift to travel from Conde Uda downwards
towards the north, from town to town ; happening at a place,
at last, which I knew before : having been brought up
formerly from Coswat that way, to descend the hill called
Bocaul; where there is no Watch but in time of great dis-
turbance. Thus, by the providence of God, we passed all
difficulties until we came into the country of Nuweeracalava ;
which are the lowest parts that belong to the King ; and
some three days' journey from the place whence we came
[viz. Elledat.]
We were not a little glad that we were gotten so far
onwards in our way, but yet at this time we could go no
further; for our wares were all sold, and we could pretend
no more excuses : and also we had been out so long that it
might cause our townsmen to come and look after us; it
being the first time that we had been so long absent from
home.
In this manner, we went into these northern parts, eight
or ten times ; and once got as far as Hourly, a town in the
376 The lower northern districts. [ ^^SL^ifiTsi:
extremities of the King's dominions : but yet we could not
attain our purpose. For this northern country being much
subject to dry weather, and having no springs ; we were fain
to drink of the ponds of rain water, wherein the cattle lie
and tumble : which would be so thick and muddy that the
very filth of it would hang in our beards when we drank.
This did not agree with our bodies, we being used to drink
pure spring water only : by which means, when we first used
to visit those parts, we used often to be sick of violent
fevers and agues when we came home. Which diseases
happened not only to us, but to all other people that dwelt
upon the mountains, as we did, whensoever they went down
into those places ; and commonly the major part of those
that fell sick, died. At which the Cingalese were so scared,
that it was very seldom that they did adventure their bodies
down thither. Neither, truly, would I have done it, were it
not for those future hopes ; which GOD of His mercy, did at
length accomplish. For both of us smarted sufficiently by
those severe fevers we got, so that we should both lay sick
together, and one not able to help the other : insomuch that
our countrymen and neighbours used to ask us, if we went
thither purposing to destroy ourselves ; they little thinking,
and we not daring to tell them of our intent and design.
At length we learned an antidote and counterpoison
against the filthy venomous water ; which so operated, by the
blessing of GOD, that after use thereof, we had no more
sickness. It is only a dry leaf — they call it in Portuguese
Banga — beaten to powder with some of the country's ^^^g-^ry.
And this we ate morning and evening, upon an empty
stomach. It intoxicates the brain, and makes one giddy;
without any other operation, either by stool or vomit.
Thus every voyage [journey] we gathered more experience
and got lower down ; for this is a large and spacious country.
We travelled to and fro where the ways led us ; according to
their own proverb. The beggar and the merchant are never out of
the way ; because the one begs and the other trades wherever
they go. Thus we used to ramble until we had sold all our
wares ; and then went home for more : and by these means,
we grew acquainted both with the people and the paths.
In these parts, I met with my black boy, whom I had
divers years before turned away ; who had now a wife and
^^March^i68i;] ThEY TRADE FOR EIGHT OR NINE YEARS. Zll
children. He proved a great help to me in directing me in
the ways ; for he had lived many years in these parts.
Perceiving him to be able, and also in a very poor and sad
condition, not able to maintain his family ; I adventured
once to ask him if a good reward would not be welcome to
him, for guiding us two down to the Dutch ; which having
done, he might return, and nobody be the wiser. At which
proposition he seemed to be very joyful, and promised to
undertake the same : only at this time, for reasons he
alleged, which to me seemed probable, as that it was harvest
time and many people about ; it could not so safely and
conveniently be done now, as it might be, some two months
after.
The business was concluded upon, and the time appointed
between us : but it so fell out, that at the very precise time,
all things being ready to depart on the morrow ; it pleased
GOD — whose time was not yet come — to strike me with a
most grievous pain in the hollow on my right side, that for
five days together I was not able to stir from the fireside ; but
by warming it and fomenting and chafing it, I got a little ease.
Afterward, as soon as I was recovered and had got
strength, we went down, and carried one Englishman more
with us for company, for our better security ; seeing that we
must travel by night upon our flight : but though we took him
with us, we dared not to tell him of our design, because he
had a wife ; intending not to acquaint him with it, till the
business was just ready to be put into action. But when we
came, expecting to meet with our guide ; he was gone into
another country : and we knew not where to find him or how
to run away without him. Thus we were disappointed that
time.
But, as formerly, we went to and fro, until we had sold
our ware ; and so returned home again, and delivered the man
to his wife : but never told him anything of our intended
design, fearing lest if he knew it he might acquaint her with
it ; and so all our purposes coming to be revealed, might be
overthrown for ever afterwards. For we were resolved, by
GOD's help still to persevere in our design.
Some eight or nine years, one after another, we followed
this trade, going into this country on purpose to seek to get
beyond the inhabitants ; and so to run away through the
^yS Drought HINDERS THEIR ESCAPE. PPm^ch^X;
woods to the Hollanders. Three or four years together, the
weather prevented us, when the country was almost starved
[parched] for want of rain ; all which time they never tilled
the ground. The wells also were almost all dry, so that in
the towns we could scarcely get water to drink or victuals to
eat ; which affrighted us, at those times, from running into
the woods, lest we might perish for thirst. All this while
upon the mountains, where our dwelling was, there was no
want of rain.
We found it an inconvenience when we came three of us
down together ; reckoning it might give occasion to the people
to suspect our design, and so to prevent us from going thither
again. Some of the English as followed such a trade as we
did, had been down that way with their commodities : but
having felt the smart of that country's sickness, would go
there no more ; finding as much profit in nearer and easier
journeys. But we still persisted in our courses this way,
having some greater matter to do here than to sell wares,
viz. to find out this Northern Discovery: which, in GOD'S
good time, we did effect.
'^'^Ma^ch'^iesi:] They start on their final attempt. 379
Ch after I X .
How the Author began his escape, and got onward
of his way, about an hundred miles.
Aving often gone this way to seek for liberty, but
could not yet find it ; we again set forth, to try
what success GOD Almighty would now give us,
in the year 1679, on the 22nd of September;
furnished with such arms as we could well carry
with safety and secrecy, which were knives and small axes :
we carried also several sorts of ware to sell as formerly. The
moon being seven and twenty days old ; which we had so
contrived, that we might have a light moon, to see the better
to run away by: having left an old man at home, whom I had
hired to live with me, to look after my house and goats.
We went down at the hill Bocaul, where there was now no
Watch ; and but seldom any. From thence, down to the town
of Bonder Coswat, where my father died. And by the town
of Nicavar, which is the last town belonging to Hotkorle in
that road. From thenceforward, the towns stand thin : for it
was sixteen miles to the next town, called Parroah, which lay
in the country of Nuwerakalawe ; and all the way through a
wilderness called Parroah Mocolane, full of wild elephants
tigers and bears.
Now we set our design for Anuradhapoora, which is the
lowest place inhabited belonging to the kingdom of Kandy;
where there is a Watch always kept: and nearer than twelve
or fourteen miles of this town, as yet, we had never been.
When we came into the midst of this country, we heard
that the Governor thereof had sent officers from the Court to
dispatch away the King's revenues and duties to the city [of
Digligy], and that they were now come into the country: which
put us into no small fear, lest if they saw us, they should send
us back again. Wherefore we edged away into the western-
most parts of Ecpoulpot, being a remote part of that country,
wherein we now were : and there we sat knitting, until we
380 They reach Colli willa. [^''^m^ciS'^;
heard they were gone. But this caused us to overshoot our
time, the moon spending so fast. As soon as we heard that
they were departed out of the country, we went onwards of
our journey, having kept most of our wares for a pretence
to have an occasion to go further; and having bought a good
parcel of cotton yarn to knit caps withal : the rest of our wares,
we gave out, was to buy dried flesh with, which only in those
lower parts is to be sold.
Our way now lay, necessarily, through the chief Governor's
yard at Colliwilla [? Kalliivilla] ; who dwells there purposely to
see and examine all that go and come. This greatly distressed
us. First, because he was a stranger to us and one whom we
had never seen : and secondly, because there was no other
way to escape him ; and plain reason would tell him that we,
being prisoners, were without our bounds. Whereupon we
concluded that our best way would be, to go boldly and
resolutely to his house ; and not to seem daunted in the least
or to look as if we did distrust him to disallow our journey :
but to show such a behaviour, as if we had authority to travel
where we would.
So we went forward, and were forced to inquire and ask the
way to his house, having never been so far this way before. I
brought from home with me, knives with fine carved handles
and a red Tunis cap, purposely to sell or give to him if
occasion required : knowing before, that we must pass by
him. And all along as we went, that we might be the less
suspected, we sold caps and other wares ; to be paid for at
our return homewards.
There were many cross paths to and fro, to his house ;
yet by GOD's providence, we happened in the right road.
And having reached his house, according to the country's
manner, we went and sat down in the open house ; which
kind of houses are built on purpose for the reception of
strangers. Whither, not long after, the great man himself
came and sat down by us ; to whom we presented a small
parcel of tobacco, and some betel. And before he asked us the
cause of our coming; we showed him the wares we brought
for him, and the cotton yarn we had trucked about the
country, telling him withal, how the case stood with us, viz :
" That we had a charge greater than the King's allowance
would maintain, and that because dried flesh was the chief
^^^mSch^X.] Talk with Governor of Colliwilla. 381
commodity of that part ;" we told him " that missing of the
lading which we used to carry back, we were glad to come
thither to see if we could make it up with dried flesh : and
therefore if he would please to supply us — either for such
wares as we had brought or else for our money — it would be
a great favour ; the which would oblige us for the future to
bring him any necessaries that he should name unto us,
when we should come again into those parts, as we used to
do very often ; and that we could furnish him, having
dealings and being acquainted with the best artificers in
Kandy."
At which he replied, ** That he was sorry we were come at
such a dry time, when they could not catch deer; but if some
rain fell, he would soon dispatch us with some ladings of
flesh : but however he bade us go about the towns and see
whether there might be any or not, though he thought there
was none." This answer of his pleased us wondrously
well ; both because by this we saw he suspected us not, and
because he told us there was no dried flesh to be got. For it
was one of our greatest fears that we should get our lading
too soon ; for then we could not have had an excuse to go
further : and as yet we could not possibly fly ; having still
six miles further to the northward to go, before we could
attempt it, that is, to Anuradhapoora.
From Anuradhapoora, it is two days' journey further through
a desolate wilderness, before there ara any more inhabitants :
and these inhabitants are neither under this King nor the
Dutch ; but are Malabars, and are under a Prince of their
own. This people we were sorely afraid of, lest they might
seize us and send us back: there being a correspondence
between this Prince and the King of Kandy: wherefore it was
our endeavour by all means to shun them, lest, according to
the old proverb, we might leap out of the fryingpan into the
fire.
But we must take care of that as well as we could, when
we came among them ; for as yet our care was to get to
Anuradhapoora, where although it was our desire to get, yet
we would not seem to be too hasty, lest it might occasion
suspicion, but lay where we were two or three days : and one
stayed at the Governor's house a knitting ; whilst the other
went about among the towns to see for flesh. The ponds in
J)
82 Last messages to their countrymen. P^Mi^esi:
the country being now dry, there was fish everywhere in
abundance ; which they dry like red herrings over a fire.
They offered to sell us a store of them ; " but they," we told
them, "would not turn to so good profit as flesh." "The
which," we said, " we would have, though we stayed ten days
longer for it. For here we could live as cheap, and earn as
much as if we were at home, by our knitting." So we seemed
to them as if we were not in any haste.
In the meantime happened an accident which put us
to a great fright. For the King, having newly clapped up
several persons of quality (whereof my old neighbour Owa
MoTTERAL that sent for me to Court, was one) sent down
soldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor at whose house we
now were, to give him order to set a secure guard at the
Watches that no suspicious persons might pass. This he
did to prevent the relations of these imprisoned persons from
making an escape ; who — through fear of the King — might
attempt it. This always is the King's custom to do. But it
put us into an exceeding fear lest it might beget an admira-
tion \ii'onderment\ in these soldiers to see white men so low
down the country ; which indeed is not customary nor
allowed of; and so they might send us up again. Which
doubtless they would have done ; had it not been of GOD by
this means and after this manner to deliver us. Especially
considering that the King's command came just at that time,
and so expressly to keep a secure guard at the Watches, and
that in that very way that always we purposed to go in ; so
that it seemed scarcely possible for us to pass afterwards :
though we should get off fairly at present with the soldiers.
Which we did. For they having delivered their message,
departed ; showing themselves very kind and civil unto us :
and we seemed to lament for our hard fortune, that we were
not ready to go upwards with them, in their good company :
for we were neighbours dwelling in one and the same country.
However we bade them carry our commendations to our
countrymen the English — with whom they were acquainted
at the city — and so bade them farewell. And glad we were
when they were gone from us : and we resolved, GOD willing,
to set forward the next day in the morning.
But we thought not fit to tell our host, the Governor, of it,
till the very instant of our departure; that he might not have
^"^^M^ch^Tsi;] They journey to Anuradhapoora. ^8^
any time to deliberate concerning us. That night, he, being
disposed to be merry, sent for people whose trade it is to
dance and show tricks, to come to his house, to entertain
him with their sports. The beholding of them spent most
part of the night : which we merely called our old host's
civility to us at our last parting ; as it proved indeed, though
he, honest man, then little dreamed of any such thing.
The morning being come, we first took care to fill our
bellies; then we packed up those things which were neces-
sary for our journey to carry with us ; and the rest of our
goods — cotton yarn, cloth, and other things — that we would
not incumber ourselves withal, we bound up in a bundle,
intending to leave them behind us. This being done, I went
to the Governor, and carried to him four or five charges of
gunpowder, a thing somewhat scarce with them; intreating
him rather than that we should be disappointed of flesh ; to
make use of that and shoot some deer — which he was very
willing to accept of; and to us it could be no ways profit-
able, not having a gun — while we, we told him, " would
make a step to Anuradhapoora to see what flesh we could
procure there." In the meantime, according as we had before
laid the business, came Stephen Rutland with the bundle
of goods, desiring to leave them in his house, till we came
back : which he was very ready to grant us leave to do. And
seeing us leave such a parcel of goods — though, GOD knows,
but of little account in themselves, yet of considerable value
in that land — he could not suppose otherwise but that we
were intending to return again. Thus we took our leave and
immediately departed, not giving him time again to consider
with himself, or to consult with others about us : and he, like
a good-natured man, bade us heartily farewell.
Although we knew not the way to this town — having never
been there in all our lives ; and durst not ask, lest it might
breed suspicion — yet we went on confidently through a
desolate wood ; and happened to go very right, and came out
directly at the place.
But in our way, before we arrived thither, we came up
with a small river, which ran through the woods, called by
the Cingalese, Malwatta Oya : the which we viewed well and
judged it might be a probable guide to carry us down to the
sea; if a better did not present itself. However we thought
n. 2B 5
384 Astonishment there, at seeing them, p'^u^ch'mi'.
good to try first the way we were taking, and to go onwards
towards Anuradhapoora, that being the shortest and easiest
way to get to the coast, and this river, being as under our
lee, ready to serve and assist us, if other means failed.
To Anuradhapoora, called also Neur Wang, therefore we
came ; which is not so much a particular single town, as a
territory. It is a vast great plain — the like of which I never
saw in all that island — in the midst whereof is a lake, which
may be a mile over; not natural, but made by art as are the
other ponds in the countr}', to serve them to water their corn
grounds. This plain is encompassed round with woods, and
small towns among them on every side inhabited by Malabars,
a distinct race from the Cingalese : but these towns we could
not see, till we came in among them.
Being come through the woods into this plain, we stood
looking and staring round about us : but knew not where nor
which way to go. At length, we heard a cock crow, which
was a sure sign to us that there was a town hard by ; into
which we were resolved to enter. For standing thus amazed
was the ready way to be taken up for suspicious persons ;
especially because white men never came down so low.
Being entered into the town, we sat ourselves under a tree,
and proclaimed our wares : for we feared to rush into their
yards as we used to do in other places, lest we should scare
them. The people stood amazed, as soon as they saw us ;
being originally Malabars, though subjects of Kandy : nor
could they understand the Cingalese language in which we
spake to them. And we stood looking one upon another,
until there came one that could speak the Cingalese tongue,
who asked us, " From whence we came ? " We told him from
Conde Uda : but they believed us not, supposing that we
came up from the Dutch, from Manaar. So they brought us
before their Governor. He not speaking Cingalese, spake to
us by an interpreter ; and to know the truth whether we
came from the place we pretended, he inquired about the
news at Court : and demanded " who were Governors of such
and such countries ? " and "What was become of some certain
noblemen?" (whomthe King had lately cut off) and also "What
the common people were employed about at Court?" for it is
seldom that they are idle. To all which, we gave satisfactory
answers. Then he inquired of us "Who gave us leave to
^^M^ch^i68i.] Stay three days at Anuradhapoora. 385
come down so low?" We told him, "That privilege was
given to us by the King himself full fifteen years since at his
palace at Nellembe; when he caused it to be declared unto
us that we were no longer prisoners, and," which indeed was
our own addition, " that we were free to enjoy the benefit of
trade in all his dominions."
To prove and confirm the truth of which, we alleged the
distance of the way that we were now come from home, being
nearly an hundred miles, passing through several counties,
where we met with several Governors and Officers in their
respective jurisdictions ; who, had they not been well sensible
of these privileges granted to us, would not have allowed us
to pass through their countries [districts]. All which Officers
we described to them by name. And also that now we came
from the High Sheriff's house at Colliwilla, where we had
been these three days, and there heard of the order that was
come to secure the Watches ; which was not for fear of the
running away of white men, but of the Cingalese. These
reasons gave him full satisfaction, that we were innocent
traders : seeing also the commodities that we had brought
with us ; this further confirmed his opinion concerning us.
The people were very glad of our coming, and gave us an
end of an open house to lie in : but at present they had no
dried flesh, but desired us to stay two or three days, and we
should not fail : which we were very ready to consent to,
hoping by that time to come to the knowledge of the way, and
to learn where about the Watch was placed. To prevent the
least surmise that we were plotting to run away ; we agreed
that Stephen Rutland should stay in the house by the
things; while I, with some few of them, went abroad,
pretending to inquire for dried flesh to carry back with us to
Kandy, but intending to make discoveries of the way, and
to provide necessaries for our flight, as rice, a brass pot to
boil our rice in, a little dried flesh to eat, and a deerskin to
make us shoes of. And by the providence of my gracious
GOD, all these things I happened upon, and bought : but, as
our good hap was, of deer's flesh we could meet with none.
So that we had time enough to fit ourselves ; all people
thinking that we stayed only to buy flesh.
Here we stayed three days. During which, we had found
the great road that runs down towards Jaffnapatam, one of
l86 They reject the Jaffnapatam road. [^""^M^ch^i
Knox.
68i.
the northern ports belonging to the Dutch : which road, we
judged led also towards Manaar, a Dutch northern port also,
which was the place that we endeavoured to get to ; it lying
about two or three days' journey distant from us. But in this
road there was a Watch laid which must be passed. Where
this Watch was placed, it was necessary for us punctually
[precisely] to know, and to endeavour to get a sight of it :
and if we could do this, our intent was to go unseen by night
— the people being then afraid to travel — and being come up
to the Watch; to slip aside into the woods, and so go on
until we were passed it ; and then to strike into the road again.
But this project came to nothing, because I could not
without suspicion and danger, go and view this Watch; which
lay some four or five miles below this plain : and so far I
could not frame any business to go.
But several inconveniences we saw here, insomuch that
we found it would not be safe for us to go down in this road.
For if we should have slipped away from them by night ; in
the morning, we should be missed : and then most surely,
they would go that way to chase us ; and, ten to one, overtake
us, being but one night before them. Also we knew not
whether or not, it might lead us into the country of the
Malabar Prince ; of whom we were much afraid.
Then resolving to let the great road alone, we thought of
going right down through the woods, and steer our course by
the sun and moon ; but the ground being so dry, we feared
we should not meet with water. So we declined that counsel
also.
Thus being in doubt, we prayed to GOD to direct us, and to
put it into our heads which way to take. Then, after a
consultation between ourselves, all things considered, we
concluded it to be the best course to go back to Malwatta
Oya; the river that we had well viewed, and that lay in our
way as we came hither.
^^^'MaKosi;] Ostensibly returning, they escape. 387
C hapter X.
The Atdkors progress in his flight frojn Anura-
dhapooi'a into the woods ; until their
arrival in the Malabars country.
3w GOD, of His mercy, having prospered our
design hitherto, for which we blessed His holy-
name; our next care was how to come off clear
from the people of Anuradhapoora, that they might
not presently miss us, and so pursue after us :
which if they should do, there would have been no escaping
them. For from this town to Colliwilla — where the Sheriff
lived, with whom we left our goods — they were as well
acquainted in the woods as in the paths : and when we came
away, we must tell the people that we were going thither;
because there was no other way but that. Now our fear was
lest upon some occasion or other, any men might chance to
travel that way soon after we were gone; and not finding us
at Colliwilla might conclude, as they could do no otherwise,
that we were run into the woods. Therefore to avoid this
danger, we stayed in the town till it was so late that we
knew that none durst venture to travel afterwards, for fear of
wild beasts. By which means we were sure to gain a night's
travel, at least : if they should chance to pursue us.
So we took our leaves of the Governor, who kindly gave
us a pot of milk to drink, for a farewell : we telling him, "Wc
were returning back to the Sheriff at Colliwilla, to whom we
had given some gunpowder when we came from him, to shoot
us some deer: and we doubted not but by that time we should
get to him, he would have provided flesh enough for our lading
home." Thus bidding him and the rest of the neighbours
farewell, we departed : they giving us the civility of their
accustomed prayers ; Diahac, that is, "God bless or keep you."
It was now the 12th day of October on a Sunday, the moon
eighteen days old. We were well furnished with all things
needful, which we could get, viz. — ten days' provisions, rice,
388 Strike down the Malwatta Oya. p^MaKX:
flesh, fish, pepper, salt ; a basin to boil our victuals in ;
two calabashes to fetch water; two great Tallipat [leaves]
for tents, big enough to sleep under, if it should rain ;
Jciggery and sweetmeats, which we brought from home
with us ; tobacco also and betel ; tinder boxes, two or three
for fear of failing ; and a deer's skin to make us shoes, to
prevent any thorns running into our feet as we travelled
through the woods, for our greatest trust, under GOD, was
to our feet. Our weapons were, to each man a small axe
fastened to a long staff in our hands, and a good knife by our
sides: which were sufficient, with GOD's help, to defend us
from the assaults of either tiger or bear; and as for elephants,
there is no standing against them, but the best defence is to
fly from them.
In this posture and equipage we marched forward. When
we were come within a mile of this river, it being about four
in the evening, we began to fear lest any of the people of
Anuradhapoora from whence we came, should follow us to
Colliwilla ; which place we never intended to come at more :
the river along which we intended to go, laying on this side
of it. That we might be secure therefore, that no people came
after us ; we sat down upon a rock by a hole that was full of
water in the highway, until it was so late that we were sure no
people durst travel. In case any had come after us, and seen
us sitting there, and gotten no further; we intended to tell
them that one of us was taken sick by the way, and therefore
was not able to go on. But it was our happy chance, that
there came none.
So about sundown, we took up our sacks of provisions, and
marched forward for the river; which, under GOD, we had
pitched upon to be our guide down to the sea.
Being come at the river; we left the road, and struck into
the woods by the river side. We were exceedingly careful not
to tread on the sand or soft ground, lest our footsteps should
be seen : and where it could not be avoided, we went
backwards ; so that by the print of our feet it seemed as if we
had gone the contrary way. We had now got a good way
into the wood, when it grew dark and began to rain; so that
we thought it best to pitch our tents, and get wood for firing
before it was all wet, and too dark to find it : which we did,
and kindled a fire.
^^V^cifiTsT.] They are stopped by an elephant. 389
Then we began to fit ourselves for our journey, against the
moon rose. All our sale-wares which we had left, we cast
away, for we had taken care not to sell too much ; keeping
only provisions, and what was very necessary for our journey.
About our feet we tied pieces of deer's-hide, to prevent thorns
and stumps annoying our feet. We always used to travel
barefoot, but now being to travel by night and in the woods,
we feared to do so : for if our feet should fail us now, we
were quite undone.
And by the time we had well fitted ourselves, and were
refreshed with a morsel of Portuguese sweetmeats; the moon
began to shine. So having commended ourselves into the
hands of the Almighty, we took up our provisions upon our
shoulders and set foi-ward, and travelled some three or four
hours, but with a great deal of difficulty. For the trees
being thick, the moon gave us but little light through : but
our resolution was, to keep going.
Now it was our chance to meet with an elephant in our
way, just before us ; which we tried to, but could not scare
away : so he forced us to stay. We kindled a fire and sat
down; and took a pipe of tobacco, waiting till morning.
Then we looked round about us, and it appeared all like a
wilderness, and no signs that people ever had been there ;
which put us in great hopes that we had gained our passage,
and were past all the inhabitants. Whereupon we concluded
that we were now in no danger of being seen, and might
travel in the day securely.
There was only one great road in our way, which led to
Portaloon from the towns which by and by we fell into.
This road therefore we were shy of ; lest when we passed it
over, some passengers travelling on it, might see us. And
this road we were in expectance about this time, to meet
withal, feeling secure, as I said before, of all other danger
of people : but the river winding about to the northward,
brought us into the midst of a parcel of towns, called Tissea
Wava, before we were aware of it. For the country being
all woods, we could not discern where there were towns until
we came within the hearing of them. That which betrayed
us into this danger was, that meeting with a path which
only led from one town to another, we concluded it to be
that great road above mentioned, and so having passed it over;
390 They hide in a hollow tree. [^^^M^ch^iX.
we supposed the danger we might encounter in being seen
was also passed over with it: but we were mistaken, for going
further we still met with other paths, which we crossed over,
still hoping one or other of them was that great road ; but
at last we perceived our error, namely, that they were only
paths that went from one town to another.
And so while we were avoiding men and towns, we ran
into the midst of them. This was a great trouble to us ;
hearing the noise of people round about us, and not knowing
how to avoid them : into whose hands we knew if we should
have fallen ; they would have carried us up to the King,
besides beating and plundering us to boot.
We knew before, that these towns were here away : but
had we known that this river turned and ran in among them;
we should never have undertaken the enterprise. But now
to go back, after we had newly passed so many paths, and
fields, and places, where people did resort : we thought it
not advisable, and that the danger in so doing might be
greater than in going for%vard. And had we known so much
then as afterwards did appear to us ; it had been safer for us
to have gone on, than to have hid as we did : which we then
thought the best course we could take for the present
extremity, viz. — ^to secure ourselves in secret until night, and
then to run through, in the dark. All that we wanted was a
hole to creep in, to lie close : for the woods thereabouts were
thin, and there were no shrubs or bushes, under which we
might be concealed.
We heard the noise of people on every side, and expected
every moment to see some of them : to our great terror. And
it is not easy to say, in what danger ; and in what apprehension
of it we were. It was not safe for us to stir backwards or
forwards, for fearing of running among the people ; and it
was as unsafe to stand still, where we were, lest somebody
might spy us : and where to find covert, we could not tell.
Looking about us, in these straits, we spied a great tree
by us, which for the bigness thereof 'twas probable might be
hollow. To which we went, and found it so. It was like a
tub, some three feet high. Into it, immediately we both
crept, and made a shift to sit there for several hours,
though very uneasily, and all in mud and wet. But however it
did great comfort us, in the fright and amazement we were in.
^""^Ma^ch^iesi:] Protected by a herd of elephants. 391
So soon as it began to grow dark, we came creeping out of
our hollow tree; and put for it, as fast as our legs could carry
us. And then we crossed that great road, which all the day
before we did expect to come up with; keeping close by the
river side ; and going so long, till dark night stopped us.
We kept going the longer, because we heard the voice of
men holloaing towards evening ; which created in us a fresh
disturbance: thinking them to be people that were coming
to chase us. But at length ; we heard elephants behind us,
between us and the voice, which we knew by the noise of
the cracking of the boughs and small trees which they brake
down and ate. These elephants were a very good guard
behind us ; and were, methought, like the darkness that came
between Israel and the Egyptians. For the people, we
knew, would not dare to go forwards ; hearing elephants
before them.
In this security, we pitched our tents by the river side, and
boiled rice and roasted flesh for our supper : for we were very
hungry ; and so, commending ourselves to GOD's keeping,
we lay down to sleep. The voice which we heard still
continued ; which lasting so long, we knew what it meant.
It was nothing but the holloaing of people that lay to watch
the cornfields; to scare away the wild beasts out of their
corn.
Thus we passed Monday.
But nevertheless the next morning, so soon as the moon
shone out bright; to prevent the worst, we took up our packs,
and were gone : being past all the tame inhabitants, with
whom we had no more trouble.
But the next day, we feared we should come among the
wild ones : for these woods are full of them. Of these, we
were as much afraid as of the other : for they [the tame
inhabitants] would have carried us back to the King, where
we should have been kept prisoners ; but these, we feared,
would have shot us, not standing to hear us plead for
ourselves.
And indeed all along as we went, by the sides of the river,
till we came to the Malabar inhabitants ; there had been the
tents of wild men, made only of boughs of trees. But GOD
be praised, they were all gone : though but very lately before
we came ; as we perceived by the bones of cattle and shells
392 The river is full of Alligators. [^^'^iSa?ch^i68^
of fruit, which lay scattered about. We supposed that want
of water had driven them out of the country down to the
river side ; but that since it had rained a shower or two,
they were gone again.
Once, about noon, sitting down upon a rock by the river
side to take a pipe of tobacco and rest ourselves ; we had
almost been discovered by the women of these wild people :
coming down, as I suppose, to wash themselves in the river;
who, being many of them, came talking and laughing
together. At the first hearing of the noise, being at a
good distance, we marvelled what it was. Sitting still and
listening ; it came a little above where we sat : and at last,
we could plainly distinguish it to be the voices of women and
children. Whereupon we thought it no boot to sit longer,
since we could escape unobserved ; and so took up our bags,
and fled as fast as we could.
Thus we kept travelling every day, from morning till night,
still along by the river side, which turned and wound very
crookedly. In some places, it would be pretty good travel-
ling and but few bushes and thorns ; in others, a great many :
so that our shoulders and arms were all of a gore, being
grievously torn and scratched. For we had nothing on us,
but a clout round about our middles, and our victuals on our
shoulders ; and in our hands, a tallipat [palm leaf] and an axe.
The lower we came down this river, the less water; so
that sometimes we could go a mile or two upon the sand.
And in some places, three or four rivers would all meet
together. When this happened so, and was noon — the sun over
our head, and the water not running — we could not tell which
to follow ; but were forced to stay till the sun was fallen,
thereby to judge our course.
We often met with bears, hogs, deer and wild buffaloes ;
but they all ran, so soon as they saw us : but elephants we
met with no more than that I have mentioned before. The
river is exceeding full of alligators all along as we went :
and the upper part of it is nothing but rocks.
Here and there, by the side of this river, there is a world of
hewn stone pillars, standing upright ; and other heaps of hewn
stones, which I suppose formerly were buildings. And in
three or four places, are the ruins of bridges, built of stone ;
some remains of them yet standing upon stone pillars. In
^^^'Sch^X;] They get into the Malabar country. 393
many places are points built out into the river, like wharves ;
all of hewn stone: which I suppose have been built for
kings to sit upon for pleasure ; for I cannot think they ever
were employed for traffic by water, the river being so full of
rocks that boats could never come up into it.
The woods in all these northern parts are short and
shrubbed ; and so they are here by the river's side : and the
lower down the river, the worse ; and the grounds so also.
In the evenings we used to pitch our tent, and make a
great fire, both before and behind us ; that the wild beasts
might have notice where we lay : and we used to hear the
voices of all sorts of them ; but, thanks be to GOD ! none
ever came near to hurt us.
Yet we were the more wary of them ; because once a tiger
showed us a cheat. For having bought a deer (and having
nothing to salt it up in) we packed it up in the hide thereof
salted, and laid it under a bench in an open house, on which
bench I lay that night ; and Stephen lay just by it on the
ground ; and some three people more lay then in the same
house ; and in the said house there was a great fire ; and
another in the yard : yet a tiger came in the night, and
carried deer and hide and all away. But we missing it ;
concluded that it was a thief that had done it. We called
up the people that lay by us ; and told them what had
happened ; who informed us that it was a tiger ; and with
a torch, they went to see which way he had gone, and
presently found some of it, which he had let drop by the
way. When it was day, we went further; and picked up
more, which was scattered ; till we came to the hide itself,
which remained uneaten.
We had now travelled till Thursday afternoon, when we
crossed the rrver called Coronda Oya [? Kannadera Oya], which
was then quite dry. This parts the King's country from that
of the Malabars. We saw no sign of inhabitants here. The
woods began to be very full of thorns and shrubby bushes,
with cliffs and broken land; so that we could not possibly go
in the woods. But now the river grew better, being clear
of rocks ; and dry, water only standing in holes. So we
marched along in the river bed upon the sand. Hereabouts
are far more elephants than higher up. By day, we saw none ;
but by night, the river was full of them.
394- They still keep on down the river, pp'
ain R. Knox,
March x68i.
On Friday, about nine or ten in the morning, we came
among the inhabitants : for then we saw the footing
[^footprints] of people on the sand; and tame cattle with bells
about their necks. Yet we kept on our way right down the
river; knowing no other course to take, to shun the people.
And as we went still forwards, we saw coracan corn sown in
the woods ; but neither town, nor people, nor so much as the
voice of man : yet we were somewhat dismayed ; knowing
that we were now in a country inhabited by Malabars.
The Wanniounay or Prince of this people for fear, pays
tribute to the Dutch ; but stands far more affected towards
the King of Kandy : which made our care the greater to
keep ourselves out of his hands; fearing lest if he did not
keep us himself, he might send us up to our old master. So
that great was our terror again, lest meeting with people we
might be discovered.
Yet there was no means now left us how to avoid the
danger of being seen. The woods were so bad that we could
not possibly travel in them for thorns ; and to travel by night
was impossible, it being a dark moon; and the river at night
so full of elephants and other wild beasts coming to drink,
as we did both hear and see, lying upon the banks with a fire
by us. They came in such numbers, because there was
water for them nowhere else to be had : the ponds and holes
of water ; nay the river itself, in many places being dry.
There was therefore no other way to be taken, but to travel
on in the river.
So down we went into the sand and put on as fast as we
could set our legs to the ground : seeing no people, nor, I
think, nobody us ; but only buffaloes in abundance in the
svater.
^*^'l"ia^ch^i68i;] They meet with two Brahmins. 395
Chapter XI.
Being in the Malabar territories ; how they encountered
two 7nen, and what passed between them. And of
their getting safe unto the Dutch fort ; and
their reception there, and at the Island
of Manaar ; until their em-
barking for Colombo.
Hus we went on till about three o'clock in the
afternoon. At which time, coming about a point,
we came up with two Brahmins on a sudden ; who
were sitting under a tree, boiling rice. We were
within forty paces of them. When they saw us they
were amazed at us ; and as much afraid of us, as we were of
them. Now we thought it better policy to treat with them,
than to fly from them : fearing they might have bows and
arrows, whereas we were armed only with axes in our hands,
and knives by our sides ; or else that they might raise the
country and pursue us. So we made a stand, and in the
Cingalese language, asked their leave to come near and treat
with them, but they did not understand it : but being risen
up, spake to us in the Malabar tongue, which we could not
understand. Then, still standing at a distance, we intimated
our minds to them by signs, beckoning with our hand : which
they answered in the same language.
Then offering to go towards them, and seeing them to be
naked men, and no arms near them ; we laid our axes upon
the ground with our bags : lest we might scare them, if we had
come up to them with those weapons in our hands ; and so
went towards them with only our knives by our sides.
By signs with our hands, showing them our bloody backs ;
we made understand whence we came, and whither we
were going: which when they perceived, they seemed to
commiserate our condition, and greatly to admire at such a
miracle which GOD had brought to pass ; and as they talked
one to another, they lifted up their hands and faces towards
396 Flinging firebrands at Elephants. ["^^'iTia^ch^ies?
heaven, after repeating Tombrane, which is God in the
Malabar tongue.
And by their signs, we understood they would have us
bring our bags and axes nearer : which we had no sooner
done ; but they brought the rice and herbs which they had
boiled for themselves to us, and bade us eat ; which we were
not fitted to do, having not long before eaten a hearty
dinner of better fare. Yet we could not but thankfully
accept of their compassion and kindness, and eat as much as
we could ; and in requital of their courtesy, we gave them
some of our tobacco : which, after much entreating, they did
receive, and it pleased them exceedingly.
After these civilities passed on either side; we began by
signs to desire them to go with us, and show us the way to
the Dutch fort : which they were very unwilling to do, saying —
as by signs and some few words which we could understand
—that our greatest danger was past ; and that by night, we
might get into the Hollanders' dominions.
Yet we being weary with our tedious journey, and desirous
to have a guide ; showed them money to the value of five
shillings, being all I had, and offered it to them, to go with
us. Which together with our great importunity, so prevailed,
that one of them took it ; and leaving his fellow to carry
their baggage, he went with us about one mile, and then
began to take his leave of us and to return : which we
supposed was to get more from us. Having therefore no
more money, we gave him a red Tunis cap and a knife ; for
which he went a mile further, and then as before would leave
us, signifying to us, " that we were out of danger, and he
could go no farther."
Now we had no more left to give him ; but began to
perceive that what we had parted withal to him was but
flung away. And although we might have taken all from
him again, being alone in the wood ; yet we feared to do it,
lest thereby we might exasperate him, and so he might give
notice of us to the people : but bade him farewell ; after he
had conducted us four or five miles.
We kept on our journey down the river as before, until it
was night ; and lodged upon a bank under a tree : but were
in the way of the elephants ; for in the night they came and
had like to have disturbed us ; so that for our preservation
*^^^'''Mi^6°8T.] They reach the Dutch territory. 397
we were forced to fling firebrands at them to scare them
away.
The next morning, being Saturday, as soon as it was light,
having eaten to strengthen us (as horses do oats before they
travel), we set forth, going still down. The sand was dry
and loose and so very tedious to go upon, by the side of the
river we could not go, it being all overgrown with bushes.
The land hereabouts was as smooth as a bowling green ; but
the grass clean burnt up for want of rain.
Having travelled about two hours, we saw a man walking
in the river before, whom we would gladly have shunned, but
well could not : for he walked down the river as we did : but
at a very slow rate, which much hindered us. But considering
upon the distance we had come since we left the Brahmin
and comparing with what he told us, we concluded we were
in the Hollanders' jurisdiction ; and so amended our pace to
overtake the man before us : whom we perceiving to be
free from timorousness at the sight of us, concluded he had
been used to see white men.
Whereupon, we asked him, " to whom he belonged ? " He,
speaking the Cingalese language, answered, "to the Dutch;"
and also "that all the country was under their command, and
that we were out of danger, and that the fort of Aripo was
but some six miles off." Which did not a little rejoice us.
We told him, " we were of that nation, and had made our
escape from Kandy, where we had been many years kept in
captivity : " and — having nothing to give him ourselves — we
told him, "that it was not to be doubted, but that the chief
Commander at the fort would bountifully reward him if he
would go with us, and direct us thither." But whether he
doubted of that or not, or whether he expected something in
hand ; he excused himself, pretending earnest and urgent
occasions that he could not defer. But he advised us to
leave the river, because it winds so much about, and to turn
up without fear to the towns ; where the people would direct
us the way to the fort.
Upon his advice, we struck up a path that came down to
the river, intending to go to a town, but could find none : and
there were so many cross paths that we could not tell which
way to go ; and the land here was so exceedingly low and
level, that we could see no other thing but trees. For
398 And arrive at Aripo fort. [^''^'ll^ch^xesi;
although I got up a tree to look if I could see the Dutch
fort or discern any houses ; yet I could not : and the sun
being right over our heads, neither could that direct us.
Insomuch that we wished ourselves again in our old friend,
the river. So after much wandering up and down ; we sat
down under a tree, waiting until the sun was fallen or some
people came by.
Which not long after, three or four Malabars did. We
told these men that we were Hollanders : supposing they
would be the more willing to go with us ; but they proved of
the same temper with the rest before mentioned. For until
I gave one of them a small knife to cut betel nuts, he would
not go with us ; but for the lucre of that, he conducted us to
a town. From whence, they sent a man with us to the next.
And so we were passed from town to town, until we arrived
at the fort called Aripo. It being about four o'clock on
Saturday afternoon, October the i8th, 1679.
Which day, GOD grant us grace that we may never forget:
when He was pleased to give us so great a deliverance from
such a long captivity of nineteen years, and six months, and
odd days; I being taken prisoner when I was nineteen years
old ; and continued upon the mountains among the heathen
till I attained to eight and thirty.
In this flight through the woods ; I cannot but take notice
with some wonder and great thankfulness, that this travel-
ling by night in a desolate wilderness was little or nothing
dreadful to me; whereas formerly the very thoughts of it
would seem to dread me. And in the night, when I lay
down to rest, with wild beasts round me ; I slept as soundly
and securely as ever I did at home in my own house. Which
courage and peace, I look upon to be the immediate gift of
GOD to me, upon my earnest prayers ,' which at that time he
poured into my heart in great measure and fervency. After
which I found myself freed from those frights and fears,
which usually possessed my heart at other times.
In short, I look upon the whole business as a miraculous
providence; and that the hand of GOD did eminently appear
to me as it did of old to his people Israel in the like cir-
cumstances ; in leading and conducting me through this
dreadful wilderness, and not to suffer any evil to approach
nigh unto me.
^^^'Iia^ch^i68i:] Hospitably entertained at Manaar. 399
The Hollanders much wondered at our arrival — it being so
strange that any should escape from Kandy — and entertained
us very kindly that night.
And the next morning, being Sunday ; they sent a Corporal
with us to Manaar, and a black man to carry our few things.
At Manaar, we were brought before the Captain of the
castle, the Chief Governor being absent ; who, when we
came in, was just risen from dinner. He received us with a
great deal of kindness, and bade us sit down to eat.
It seemed not a little strange to us, who had dwelt so long
in straw cottages among the black heathen, and used to sit
on the ground, and eat our meat on leaves; now to sit on
chairs, and eat out of china dishes at a table ; where
there were great varieties, and a fair and sumptuous house
inhabited by white and Christian people : we being then in
such habit and guise (our natural colour excepted) that we
seemed not fit to eat with his servants, no, nor his slaves.
After dinner, the Captain inquired concerning the affairs
of the King and country, and the condition of their Ambassa-
dors and people there. To all which, we gave them true and
satisfactory answers. Then he told us "that to-morrow, there
was a sloop to sail to Jaffnapatam, in which he would send us
to the Commander and Governor; from whence we might
have a passage to Fort Saint George [Madras] or any other
place on that coast, according to our desire." After this, he
gave us some money ; bidding us go to the Castle to drink,
and be merry with our countrymen there. For all which
kindness, giving him many thanks in the Portuguese language;
we took our leaves of him.
When we came to the court of guard at the Castle ; we
asked the soldiers if there were no Englishmen among them.
Immediately there came forth two men to us, the one a
Scotchman named Andrew Brown ; the other an Irishman,
whose name was Francis Hodges : who, after very kind
salutes, carried us unto their lodgings in the castle; and
entertained us very nobly, according to their ability, with
arrack and tobacco.
The news of our arrival being spread in the town, the
people came flocking to see us as a strange and wonderful
sight : and some to inquire about their husbands, sons and
relations which were prisoners at Kandy.
II. 2C 5
400 Go IN Governor's ship to Colombo. [^^^'''M^ch^xesi;
In the evening a gentlemen of the town sent to invite us
to his house ; where we were gallantly entertained both with
victuals and lodging.
The next day, being Monday, while ready to embark for
Jaffnapatam; there came an order from the Captain and
Council that we must stay until the Commander of
Jaffnapatam, who was daily expected, came thither: which
we could not deny to do ; and order was given to the
Victuallers of the soldiers to provide for us. The Scotch-
man and Irishman were very glad of this order, that they
might have our company longer : and would not suffer us to
spend the Captain's benevolence in their company, but spent
freely upon us at their own charges.
Thanks be to GOD, we both continued in health all the
time of our escape ; but within three days after we came to
Manaar, my companion fell very sick; so that I thought I
should have lost him.
Thus we remained some ten days. At which time the
expected Commander arrived, and was received with great
ceremonies of state. The next day we went before him, to
receive his orders concerning us : which were to be ready to
go with him on the morrow to Colombo ; there being a ship,
that had long waited in that road to carry him. In which,
we embark with him for Colombo.
At our coming on board to go to sea, we could not expect
but to be seasick ; being now as fresh men having so long
disused the sea : but it proved otherwise, and we were not in
the least stirred.
^''^'^Ma^ch^iTsz:] Make a sensation at Colombo. 401
C HA PT ER XII.
Their arrival at Colombo and entertainment
there. Their departure thence to Batavia ;
and from thence to Bantam : whence
they set sail for England.
EiNG safely arrived at Colombo, before the ship
came to an anchor ; there came a barge on board to
carry the Commander ashore. But it being late
in the evening, and my consort being sick of an
ague and fever; we thought it better for us to stay
on board until the morning, so as to have a day before us.
The next morning, we bade the skipper farewell, and
went ashore in the first boat : going straight to the Court
of Guard ; where all the soldiers came staring upon us,
wondering to see white men in Cingalese habits. We asked
them, if "there were no Englishmen among them." They told
us, "there were none, but that in the city there were several."
A trumpeter being hard by who had formerly sailed in
English ships ; hearing of us, came and invited us to his
chamber: and entertained my consort being sick of his
ague, in his own bed.
The strange news of our arrival from Kandy was presently
spread all about the city, and all the Englishmen that were
there immediately came to bid us welcome out of our long
captivity : with whom we consulted how to come to speech
of the Governor. Upon which, one of them went and
acquainted the Captain of the Guard of our being on shore ;
which the Captain understanding, went and informed the
Governor thereof. Who sent us answer that to-morrow we
should come before him.
After my consort's fit was over ; our countrymen and their
friends invited us abroad to walk and see the city. We
being barefooted and in Cingalese habit with great long
beards ; the people much wondered at us, and came flocking
to see who and what we were ; so that we had a great train
of people about us, as we walked in the streets. And after
402 Interview with Governor van Gons. [^^'^Mi^ies^.
we had walked to and fro, and had seen the city ; they
carried us to their landlady's house, where we were kindly
treated both with victuals and drink; and returned to the
trumpeter's house as he had desired us when we went out.
In the evening, came a boy from the Governor's house to tell
us, that the Governor invited us to come to supper at his
house : but we — having dined lately with our countrymen
and their friends — had no room to receive the Governor's
kindness ; and so lodged that night, at the trumpeter's.
The next morning, the Governor — whose name wasRiCKLOF
VAN Gons, son of Ricklof van Gons the General of
Batavia — sent for us to his house. Whom we found standing
in a large and stately room, paved with black and white
stones : and only the Commander of Jaffnapatam, who
brought us from Manaar, standing by him ; who was to
succeed him in the government of that place. On the
further side of the room, stood three of the chief Captains
bareheaded.
First, " he bade us welcome out of our long captivity," and
told us "That we were free men: and that he should have
been glad if he could have been an instrument to redeem us
sooner ; having endeavoured as much for us as for his own
people." For all which, we thanked him heartily: telling him,
" We knew it to be true."
The Governor perceiving I could speak the Portuguese
tongue, began to inquire concerning the affairs of the King
and country very particularly ; and oftentimes asked about
such matters as he himself knew better than I. To all his
questions, my too much experience enabled me to give a
satisfactory reply. Some of the most remarkable matters he
demanded of me, were these.
First, they inquired much about the reason and intent of
our coming to Kottiaar : to which, I answered them at
large.
Then they asked, "If the King of Kandy had any issue ? " I
told them, " As report went, he had none."
And, " Who were the greatest in the realm, next to him? "
I answered, " There were none of renown left, the King had
destroyed them all."
'*How the hearts of the people stood affected ? " I answered,
'* Much against their King : he being so cruel."
^''^'^Ma^ch^iesT.] Conversation with Dutch Governor. 403
'* If we had never been brought into his presence ? " I told
them, " No, nor never had had a near sight of him."
" What strength he had for war ? " I answered, " Not well
able to assault them, by reason that the hearts of his people
were not true to him : but that the strength of his country
consisted in mountains and woods, as much as in the people."
" What army could he raise upon occasion ? " I answered,
" I knew not well ; but, as I thought, about thirty thousand
men."
"Why would he not make peace with them: they so
much suing for it, and sending presents to please him ? "
I answered, " I was not one of his Council, and knew not his
meaning."
But they demanded of me, " What I thought might be
the reason or occasion of it ? " I answered, " Living securely
in the mountains, he feareth none; and for traffic, he
regardeth it not."
** Which way was best and most secure to send spies or
intelligence to Kandy ? " I told them, " By the way that goeth
to Jaffnapatam ; and by some of that country's people, who
have great correspondence with the people of Nuwerakalawe,
one of the King's countries."
*'What I thought would become of that land after the King's
decease ? " I told them, " I thought, he having no issue ; it
might fall into their hands."
" How many Englishmen had served the King, and what
became of them ? " Which I gave them an account of.
" Whether I had an acquaintance or discourse with the
great men at Court ? " I answered, " That I was too small
to have any friendship or intimacy or hold discourse with
them."
" How the common people used to talk concerning them
[the Dutch] ? " I answered, " They used much to commend
their justice and good government in the territories and over
the people belonging unto them."
" Whether the King did take counsel of any, or rule and act
only by his own will and pleasure ? " I answered, " I was a
stranger at Court, and how could I know that ?"
" But," they asked further, " what was my opinion ? " I
replied, " He is so great, that there is none great enough to
give him counsel."
404 The conversation continued. [^p'^mS-c&i'.
Concerning the French : " if the King knew not of their
coming, before they came ? " I answered, " I thought not,
because their coming seemed strange and wonderful unto the
people."
" How they had proceeded in treating with the King? " I
answered as shall be related hereafter, when I come to speak
of the French detained in this land.
" If I knew any way or means to be used, whereby the
prisoners in Kandy might be set free ? " I told them, " Means
I knew none, unless they could do it by war."
Also they inquired about the manner of executing those
whom the King commands to be put to death. They inquired
also very curiously concerning the manner of our surprisal,
and entertainment or usage among them ; and in what
parts of the land, we had our residence : and particularly
concerning myself, in what parts of the land, and how long
in each, I had dwelt ; and after what manner I lived there ;
and of my age; and in what part or place when GOD sent
me home, I should take up my abode ? To all which, I
gave answers.
They desired to know also, how many Englishmen there
were yet remaining behind. I gave them an account of
sixteen men, and also of eighteen children born there.
They much inquiredconcerning their Ambassadors detained
there, and of their behaviour and manner of living ; also
what the King allowed them for maintenance ; and concerning
several officers of quality, prisoners there ; and in general,
about all the rest of their nation.
And what " countenance the King showed to those
Dutchmen that came running away to him ? " I answered,
" The Dutch runaways, the King looks upon as rogues."
And concerning the Portuguese, they inquired also. I told
them, *' The Portuguese were about some fifty or threescore
persons : and six or seven of those, were European born."
They asked moreover, ** How we had made our escape ? and
which way ? and by what towns we passed ? and how long
we were in our journey ?" To all which I answered at large.
Then the Governor asked me " What was my intent and
desire ? " I told him, " To have passage to our own nation
at Fort Saint George."
To which he answered, "That suddenly [immediately] there
^^^^'^iSi^iX:] Rutland recovers from the ague. 405
would be no convenient opportunity : but his desire was that
we would go with him to Batavia ; where the General his
father, would be very glad to see us." Which it was not in
our power to deny.
Then he commanded to call a Dutch Captain ; who was
over the countries adjacent, subject to their jurisdiction. To
whom he gave orders to take us home to his house, and
there well to entertain us, and also to send for a tailor to
make us clothes.
Upon which I told him : " That his kindness shown us
already, was more than we could have desired. It would be
a sufficient favour now to supply us with a little money upon
a bill to be paid at Fort Saint George, that we might
therewith clothe ourselves."
To which he answered, " That he would not deny me any
sum I should demand, and clothe us upon his own account
besides." For which, we humbly thanked his Lordship : and
so took our leave of him ; and went home with the aforesaid
Captain.
The Governor presently sent me money by his steward
for expenses when we walked abroad in the city.
We were nobly entertained without lack of anything all
the time we stayed at Colombo. My consort's ague
increased, and grew very bad ; but the Chief Surgeon, by
order, daily came to see him ; and gave him such potions of
physic, that by GOD's blessing, he soon after recovered.
During my being here, I wrote a letter to my fellow-
prisoners that I left behind me in Kandy: wherein I
described, at large, the way we went, so that they might
plainly understand the same ; which I finding to be safe and
secure, advised them when GOD permitted, to steer the
same course. This letter I left with the new Governor of
Colombo and desired him, when opportunity presented, to
send it to them : who said he would have it copied out into
Dutch, for the benefit of their prisoners there ; and promised
to send both together.
The Governor seemed to be pleased with my aforesaid
relations and replies to his demands ; insomuch that he
afterwards appointed one that well understood Portuguese to
write down all the former particulars. Which being done ;
for further satisfaction, they brought me pen and paper,
4o6 TheysailtoBatavia. [^"P'^JSich^er.
desiring me to write the same, that I had related to them,
in English and to sign it with my hand : which I was not
unwilling to do.
Upon the Governor's departure, there were great and
royal feasts made : to which he always sent for me. Here
were exceeding great varieties of food, wine and sweetmeats ;
and music.
Some two and twenty days after our arrival at Colombo,
the Governor went on board ship to sail to Batavia ; and
took us with him. At which time there were many scores
of ordnance fired.
We sailed all the day with flag and pennant under it ;
being out both day and night ; in a ship of about 800 tons
burden ; and a soldier standing armed as a sentinel at the
cabin door, both night and day. The Governor so far
favoured me that I was in his own mess, and eat at his
table ; where every meal, we had ten or twelve dishes of
meat, with variety of wine.
We set sail from Colombo the 24th of November ; and the
5th of January [1680] anchored in Batavia road.
As we came to greater men, so we found greater kindness :
for the General of Batavia's reception of us and favours to
us, exceeded if possible, those of the Governor his son. As
soon as we came before him ; seeming to be very glad, he took
me by the hand and bade me " heartily welcome, thanking
GOD on our behalf, that had appeared so miraculously in
our deliverance ; " telling us withal, " that he had omitted no
means for our redemption ; and that if it had been in his
power, we should long before have had our liberty."
I humbly thanked his Excellency, and said, " That I knew
it to be true ; and that though it missed of an effect, yet his
good will was not the less, neither were our obligations ;
being ever bound to thank and pray for him."
Then his own tailor was ordered to take measure of us,
and to furnish us with two suits of apparel. He gave us
also money for tobacco and betel, and to spend in the city.
All the time we stayed there, our quarters were in the
Captain of the Castle's house. And oftentimes the General
would send for me to his own table, at which sat only
himself and his lady who was all bespangled wdth diamonds
and pearls. Sometimes his sons and daughters-in-law, with
^^'^Ma^ch^iX:] At length, come home to England. 407
some other strangers did eat with him : the trumpets sounding
all the while.
We finding ourselves thus kindly entertained, and our
habits changed ; saw that we were no more captives in
Kandy, nor yet prisoners elsewhere : therefore we cut off
our beards which we had brought with us out of our
captivity (for until then, we cut them not) ; GOD having
rolled away the reproach of Kandy from us.
Here also, they did examine me again, concerning the
passages of Kandy ; causing all to be written down which I
said, and requiring my hand to the same : which I refused
as I had done before, and upon the same account — because
I understood not the Dutch language. Whereupon they
persuaded me to write a certificate upon another paper
under my hand, that what I had informed them of was true.
Which I did. This examination was taken by two secretaries,
who were appointed to demand answers of me concerning
the King of Ceylon and his country : which they committed
to writing from my mouth.
The General's youngest son being to go home Admiral of
the ships this year, the General kindly offered us passage
upon their ships ; promising me entertainment at his son's
own table, as the Governor of Colombo had given me in
my voyage thither : which offer he made me, he said, " that I
might better satisfy their Company in Holland concerning
the affairs of Ceylon ; which they would be very glad to know."
At this time came two English m.erchants hither from
Bantam : with whom the General was pleased to permit us
to go.
But when we came to Bantam, the English Agent [of the
English East India Company] very kindly entertained us ;
and being not willing that we should go to the Dutch for a
passage, since GOD had brought us to our own nation,
ordered our passage in the good ship CcBsar lying then in the
road, for England the land of our nativity and our long
wished for port. Where by the good providence of GOD,
we arrived safe in the month of September [1680].
4o8 The Malabars in the north pakts. p^^'i^Jch^X:
Chapter XIII.
Concerning some other nations, and chiefly
European that now live in the island.
The Portuguese and Dutch.
AviNG SAID all this concerning the English people,
it may not be unacceptable to give some account of
otherwhiteSjWho either voluntarily orby constraint
inhabit there : and they are besides the English
already spoken of; Portuguese, Dutch and French.
But before I enter upon a discourse of any of these, I
shall detain my readers a little with another nation inhabiting
this land, I mean the Malabars : both because they are
strangers and derive themselves from another country ; and
also because I have had occasion to mention them sometimes
in this book.
These Malabars, then, are voluntary inhabitants of the
island ; and have a country here, though the limits of it are
but small. It lies to the northward of the King's coasts,
betwixt him and the Hollanders. Corunda Oya parts it
from the King's territories. Through this country we passed,
when we made our escape. The language they speak is
peculiar to themselves; so that a Cingalese cannot understand
t'iCm, nor they a Cingalese.
They have a Prince over them, called Coilat Wannea, that
is independent both of the King of Kandy on the one hand,
and of the Dutch on the other : only that he pays an acknow-
ledgment to the Hollanders, who have endeavoured to subdue
him by wars, but they cannot yet do it. Yet they have
brought him to be a tributary to them, viz. : to pay a certain
rate of elephants per annum. The King and this Prince
maintain a friendship and correspondence together : and
when the King lately sent an army against the Hollanders,
this Prince let them pass through his country; and went
himself in person, to direct the King's people; whe« they
took one or two forts from them.
^^^'Ma^ch^iesi.'] The King tributary to Portuguese. 409
The people are in great subjection under him. They pay
him rather greater taxes than the Cingalese do to their
King : but he is nothing so cruel. He victuallethhis soldiers
during the time they are upon the guard, either about the
palace or abroad in the wars : whereas it is the contrary in
the King's country ; for the Cingalese soldiers bear their own
expenses. He hath a certain rate out of every land that is
sown ; which is to maintain his charge.
The commodities of this country are elephants, honey,
butter, milk, wax, cows, wild cattle ; of the last three, a
great abundance. As for corn, it is more scarce than in the
Cingalese country ; neither have they any cotton : but they
come up into Nuwerakalawe yearly, with great droves of
cattle ; and lade back both corn and cotton. And to buy
these they bring up cloth made of the same cotton, which
they can make better than the Cingalese ; also they bring
salt, and salt fish, brass basins, and other commodities ; which
they get of the Hollander. Because the King permits not his
people to have any manner of trade with the Hollander; so
they receive the Dutch commodities at second hand.
We will now proceed unto the European nations : and we
will begin with the Portuguese; who deserve the first place;
being the oldest standers there.
The sea-coasts round about the island were formerly under
their power and government : and so held for many years.
In which time, many of the natives became Christians, and
learned the Portuguese tongue ; which to this day is much
spoken in that land, for even the King himself understands
and speaks it excellently well.
The Portuguese have often made invasions throughout
the whole land, even to Kandy the metropolis of the island ;
which they have burnt more than once with the palace and
the temples. And so formidable have they been that the
King hath been forced to turn tributary to them, paying them
three elephants per annum. However the middle of the
island, viz., Conde Uda, standing upon mountains, and so
strongly fortified by nature ; could never be brought into
subjection by them, much less by any other: but hath
always been under the power of their own kings.
There were great and long wars between the King of
4IO C. Sa, a Portuguese General. p^'^MaSh^iX.
Ceylon and the Portuguese ; and many of the brave
Portuguese generals are still in memory among them : of
whom I shall relate some passages presently. Great
vexation they gave the King by their irruptions into his
dominions, and the mischiefs they did him ; though often-
times with great loss on their side. Great battles have been
lost and won between them ; with great destruction of men
on both parts. But being greatly distressed at last ; he sent
and called in the Hollander to his aid : by whose seasonable
assistance, together with his own arms ; the King totally
dispossessed the Portuguese and routed them out of the
land. Whose room the Dutch now occupy; paying
themselves for their pains.
At the surrender of Colombo, which was the last place the
Portuguese held, the King made a proclamation, that all
Portuguese which would come unto him, should be well
entertained : which accordingly many did, with their whole
families, wives, children and servants ; choosing rather to
be under him than the Dutch. And divers of them are alive
to this day, living in Conde Uda ; and others are born
there. To all of whom, he alloweth monthly maintenance,
yea also and provisions for their slaves and servants which
they brought up with them. These people are privileged to
travel the countries above all other whites, as knowing they
will not run away. Also when there was a trade at the sea-
ports ; they were permitted to go down with commodities,
clear from all customs and duties.
Besides those who came voluntarily to live under the King :
there are others whom he took prisoners. The Portuguese
of the best quality, the King took into his service : who have
been, most of them, since cut off; according to his kind
custom towards his courtiers. The rest of them have an
allowance from the King; and follow husbandry, trading
about the country, distilling arrack, keeping taverns ; or the
women sew women's waistcoats, and the men sew men's
doublets for sale.
I shall now mention some of the last Portuguese generals,
all within the present King's reign ; with some passages
concerning them.
CoNSTANTiNE Sa, General of the Portuguese army in
Ceylon when the Portuguese had footing in this land, was
'^''^'^Mi^ieSi'jGASPAR FiGART, A BRAVE GENERAL. 4II
very successful against this present King. He ran quite
through the island unto the royal city itself; which he set
on fire, with the temples therein. Insomuch that the King
sent a message to him signifying that he was willing to
become his tributary. But he proudly sent him word back
again, " That that would not serve his turn : he should not
only be tributary but slave to his master, the King of
Portugal." This, the King of Kandy could not brook, being
of an high stomach ; and said, " He would fight to the last
drop of blood, rather than stoop to that."
There were at this time, many commanders in the General's
army, who were natural Cingalese : with these, the King
dealt secretly ; assuring them that if they would turn on
his side, he would gratify them with very ample rewards.
The King's promises took effect ; and they all revolted from
the General. The King now — not daring to trust the
revolted to make trial of their truth and fidelity — put them in
the forefront of his battle ; and commanded them to give
the first onset. The King at that time, might have had 20,000
or 30,000 men in the field : who, taking their opportunity,
set upon the Portuguese army and gave them such a total
overthrow ; that, as they report in that country, not one of
them escaped. The General seeing his defeat, and himself
likely to be taken ; called his black boy to give him water
to drink ; and snatching the knife that stuck by his boy's
side, stabbed himself with it.
Another General after him, was Lewis Tiss:6ra. He swore
that he would make the King eat coracan tallipa, that is, a
kind of hasty pudding made of water and the coracan flour,
which is reckoned the worst fare of that island. The King
afterwards took this Lewis Tiss^ra ; and put him in chains
in the common gaol, and made him eat of the same fare.
And there is a ballad of this man and this passage, sung
much among the common people there to this day.
Their next General was Simon Caree, a natural Cingalese,
but baptized. He is said to have been a great commander.
When he had got any victory over the Cmgalese, he did
exercise great cruelty. He would make the women beat their
own children to pieces in their mortars; wherein they used to
beat their corn.
Gaspar Figari had a Portuguese father and a Cingalese
412 " Brother, Stay! I would speak." p^'-Mafc/xX.
mother. He was the last general they had in this country,
and a brave soldier : but degenerated not from his pre-
decessors in cruelty. He would hang up the people by the
heels, and split them down the middle. He had his axe
wrapped in a white cloth, which he carried with him into the
field, to execute those he suspected to be false to him or
that attempted to run away. Smaller malefactors he was
merciful to, cutting off only their right hands. Several
whom he hath so served are yet living, whom I have seen.
This Gaspar came up one day to fight against the King :
and the King resolved to fight him. The General fixed his
camp at Motaupul in Hotterakorle. And in order to the
King's coming down to meet the Portuguese, preparation
was made for him at a place called Catta coppul, which might
be ten or twelve miles distant from the Portuguese army.
Gaspar knew of the place by some spies, but of the time of
the King's coming he was informed that it was a day sooner
than really it happened. According to this information, he
resolved privately to march thither; and come upon him in
the night unawares. And because he knew the King was a
politician, and would have his spies abroad to watch the
General's motion ; the General sent for all the drummers and
pipers to play and dance in his camp that thereby the King's
spies might not suspect that he was upon the march, but
merry and secure in his camp.
In the meantime, having set his people all to their dancing
and drumming, he left a small party there to secure the
baggage ; and away he goes in the night with his army, and
arrives at Catta coppul, intending to fall upon the King. But
when he came thither, he found the King was not yet come ;
but into the King's tent he went, and sate him down in the
seat appointed for the King. Here he heard where the King
was with his camp ; which being not far off, he marched
thither in the morning, and fell upon him ; and gave him one
of the greatest routs that ever he had.
The King himself had a narrow escape. For had it not
been for a Dutch company, which the Dutch had sent a little
before for his guard : who, after his own army fled, turned
head and stopped the Portuguese for a while ; he had been
seized. The Portuguese General was so near the King, that
he called after him, Houre, that ia. " JSrother, Stay ! I would
^^^'MaSh^si.'] Dutch get Colombo by treachery. 4 1 3
speak with you !" But the King having got atop of the hills,
was safe : and so Gaspar retired to his quarters.
This gallant expert Commander, that had so often
vanquished the Cingalese ; could not cope with another
European nation. For when the Hollanders came to besiege
Colombo, he was sent against them with his army. They
told him before he went, that now he must look to himself:
for he was not now to fight against Cingalese ; but against
soldiers that would look him in the face. But he made
nothing of them, and said that he would serve them as he
had served the Cingalese. The Hollanders met him, and
they fought ; but they had before contrived a stratagem,
which he was not aware of. They had placed some field-
pieces in the rear of their army ; and after a small skirmish,
they retreated as if they had been worsted, which was only
to draw the Portuguese nearer upon their guns: which, when
they had brought them in shot of, they opened on a sudden
to the right and left, and fired upon them ; and so routed
them, and drove them into Colombo.
This Gaspar was in the city, when it was taken ; and was
himself taken prisoner : who was afterwards sent to Goa ;
where he died.
And so much of the Portuguese.
The Dutch succeeded the Portuguese. The first occasion
of whose coming into this land was that the present King,
being wearied and overmatched with the Portuguese, sent for
them into his aid long ago from Batavia. And they did
him good service; but they feathered their own nests by the
means ; and are now possessed of all the sea-coasts, and
considerable territories thereunto adjoining.
The King of the country keeps up an irreconcilable war
against them : the occasion of which is said to have been this.
Upon the besieging of Colombo, which was about the year
1655 : it was concluded upon between the King and the
Dutch, that their enemies the Portuguese being expelled
thence ; the city was to be delivered up by the Dutch into
the King's hands. Whereupon the King himself in person,
with all his power ; went down to this war, to assist and
and join with the Hollanders : without whose help, as it is
generally reported, the Dutch could not have taken the city.
414 King and Dutch at constant war. [Capuin r. Knox.
March 1681.
But being surrendered to them, and they gotten into it ; the
King lay looking for when they would come, according
to their former articles, and put him into possession of
it. Meanwhile they turned on a sudden, and fell upon him,
contrary to his expectation — whether the King had first broke
ivord with them is not known — and took bag and baggage
from him. Which provoked him in so high a manner, that
he maintains a constant hostility against them; detains their
Ambassadors ; and forbids his people, upon pain of death, to
hold commerce with them.
So that the Dutch have enough to do to maintain those
places which they have. Oftentimes the King, at unawares
falls upon them and does them great spoil : sometimes
giving no quarter, but cutting off the heads of whomsoever
he catches : which are brought up and hung upon trees near
the city ; many of which I have seen. Sometimes he brings
up his prisoners alive and keeps them by the highway sides, a
spectacle to the people in memory of his victories over them.
Many of these are now living there in a most miserable
condition, having but a very small allowance from him ; so
that they are forced to beg, and it is a favour when they can
|et leave to go abroad and do it.
The Dutch, therefore, not being able to deal with him by
the sword, being unacquainted with the woods and the
Cingalese manner of fighting; do endeavour for peace with
him all they can : dispatching divers Ambassadors to him,
Rnd sending great presents ; by carrying letters to him in
great state, wrapped up in silks wrought with gold and silver ;
bearing them all the way upon their heads, in token of great
honour ; honouring him with great and high titles ; subscribing
themselves his subjects and servants ; telling him that the
forts they build, are out of loyalty to him, to secure His
Majesty's country from foreign enemies ; and that when they
came up into his country, it was to seek maintenance.
And by these flatteries and submissions, they sometimes
obtain to keep what they have gotten from him; and
sometimes nothing will prevail : he, neither regarding their
Ambassadors nor receiving the presents; but taking his
opportunity upon a sudden, of setting on them with his forces.
His craft and success in taking Belligam fort, in the county
l>f Habberagon ; may deserve to be mentioned. The Cingalese
^^^'^Li'^X:] Cingalese CAPTURE Belligam Fort. 415
had besieged the fort, and knowing the Dutch had no water
there, but that all they had was conveyed through a trench
wrought under ground from a river near by : they besieged
them so closely and planted so many guns towards the mouth
of this trench ; that they could not come out to fetch water.
They cut down wood also, and made bundles of faggots
therewith : which they piled up around about the fort at some
distance ; and every night removed them nearer and nearer :
so their works became higher than the fort. Their main
intent by these faggot-works, was to have brought them just
under the fort, and then to have set it on fire : the walls of
the fort being for the most part of wood. There was also a
boabab tree growing just by the fort; on which they planted
guns, and shot right down into them. The houses in the
fort being thatched ; they shot also fire arrows among them :
so that the besieged were forced to pull off the straw from their
houses, which proved a great inconvenience to them, it being
a rainy season ; so that they lay open to the weather and cold.
The Dutch finding themselves in this extremity, desired
quarter : which was granted them at the King's mercy.
They came out and laid down their arms ; all but the officers,
who still wore theirs. None were plundered of anything
they had about them. The fort, the Cingalese demolished
to the ground ; and brought up the four guns to the King's
palace : where they, among others, stand ; mounted on broad
carriages, before his gate.
The Dutch were brought two or three days' journey from
the fort into the country they called Oowah ; and there
were placed with a guard about them : having but a small
allowance appointed them ; insomuch that afterwards having
spent what they had ; they perished for hunger. So that of
about ninety Hollanders taken prisoners ; there were not
above five and twenty living when I came away.
There are several white Ambassadors, besides other
Cingalese people, by whom the Dutch have sent letters
and presents to the King : whom he keeps from returning
back again. They are all bestowed in several houses, with
soldiers to guard them. And though they are not in chains ;
yet none is permitted to come to them or speak with them.
It not being the custom of that land for any to come to the
speech of Ambassadors. Their allowance is brought them
II. 2D 5
4i6 The first Dutch Ambassador seduced. p^'tFaSh^X
ready dressed out of the King's palace ; being of all sorts
and varieties that the land affords.
After they have remained in this condition some years, the
guards are somewhat slackened and the soldiers that are to
watch them grow remiss in their duty ; so that now the
Ambassadors walk about the streets, and anybody goes to
their houses and talks with them: that is after they have been
so long in the country, that all their news is stale and grown
out of date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed-
When they have been there a great while, the King usually
gives them slaves, both men and women : the more to
alienate their minds from their own country ; and that they
may stay with him, with the more willingness and content.
For his design is to make them, if he can, inclinable to
serve him : as he prevailed with one of these Ambassadors
to do for the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall
relate immediately.
There were five Ambassadors whom he hath thus detained,
since my coming there ; of each of whom, I shall speak a
little : besides two, whom he sent away voluntarily.
The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders, some
time before the rebellion against the King [in 1664] ; who
detained him in the city. After the rebellion, the King sent
for him to him to the mountain of Gauluda ; whither he had
retreated from the rebels. The King not long after removed
to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court : but left the
Ambassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with a guard
of soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismal
mountain, void of all society; he continued many days.
During which time, a Cingalese and his wife fell out, and
she being discontented with her husband, to escape from him
flies to this Ambassador's house for shelter. The woman
being somewhat beautiful ; he fell greatly in love with her :
and to obtain her, he sent to the King and proffered him his
service if he would permit him to enjoy her company.
Which the King was very willing and glad to do, having now
obtained that which he had long aimed at, to get him into
his service.
Hereupon the King sent him word that he granted his
desire, and withal sent to both of them rich apparel ; and to
her, many jewels and bracelets of gold and silver.
^^^'Riareh^i6Si.] The SECOND DuTCH Ambassador dies. 417
Suddenly afterwards there was a great house prepared
for them in the city, furnished with all kind of furniture
out of the King's treasure, and at his proper cost and charges.
Which being finished, he was brought away from his moun-
tain, into it : but from thenceforward he never saw his
wife more, according to the custom of the Court. And he was
entertained in the King's service, and made Courtalbad, which
is Chief over all the smiths and carpenters in Conde Uda.
Some short time after, the King about to send his forces
against a fort of the Hollanders called Arranderre, built by
them in the year 1666 ; he, though in the King's service, yet
being a well-wisher to his country, had privately sent a
letter of advice to the Dutch concerning the King's intention
and purpose ; an answer to which was intercepted, and
brought to the King; wherein '* thanks were returned to him
from the Dutch for his loyalty to his own nation, and that
they would accordingly prepare for the King's assault."
The King having read this letter, sent for him, and bade
him read it ; which he excused, pretending it was so written
that he could not. Whereupon immediately another
Dutchman was sent for; who read it before the King, and
told him the contents of it. At which it is reported that the
King said Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, that is, "He
serves me for fear, and them for love," or *' His fear is here,
and his love there : " and forthwith commanded to carry
him forth to execution ; which was accordingly done upon
him. It is generally said that this letter was framed by
somebody on purpose to ruin him.
The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak, a
fine gentleman, and a good friend of the English. This
was he who was commissioned in the year 1664 to intercede
with the King on behalf of the English, that they might have
liberty to go home; and with him they were made to believe
they should return : which happened at the same time that
Sir Edward Winter sent his letters to the King for us;
which I have already spoken of in the Fifth Chapter of this
Fourth Part.
This Ambassador was much in the King's favour, with
whom he was detained till he died. And then the King sent
his body down to Colombo, carried in a palankin with great
state and lamentation; and accompanied with his great
commanders and many soldiers.
41 8 The third will "die like a man." pP'^i?aS:h^68*:
Some time after the loss of the fort of Arranderre, which
was about the year 1670 : the Dutch sent up another
Ambassador to see if he could obtain peace : which was the
first time their Ambassadors began to bring up letters upon
their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man
was much favoured by the King, and was entertained with
great ceremony and honour : he clothing him in Cingalese
habit, which I never knew done before nor since. But being
weary of his long stay, and of the delays that were made ;
having often made motions to go down to the coast and
still he was deferred from day to day : at length he made a
resolution, that if he had not leave by such a day, he would
go without it; saying "the former ambassador [H. Draak],
who died there, died like a woman ; but it should be seen
that he would die like a man."
At the appointed day, he girt on his sword, and repaired to
the gates of the King's palace ; pulling off his hat, and
making his obeisance, as if the King were present before
him : and thanking him for the favours and honours he had
done him; and so took his leave. And there being some
Englishmen present, he generously gave them some money
to drink his health : and in this resolute manner departed,
with some two or three black servants that attended on him.
The upshot of which was, that the King, not being willing
to prevent his resolution by violence, sent one of his
noblemen to conduct him down : and so he had the good
fortune to get home safely to Colombo.
The next Ambassador after him, was John Baptista : a
man of a milder spirit than the former ; endeavouring to
please and show compliance with the King. He obtained
many favours of the King, and several slaves, both men and
women : and living well, with servants about him ; is the
more patient in waiting the King's leisure, till he pleaseth to
send him home.
The last Ambassador that came up while I was there,
brought up a lion ; which the Dutch thought would be the
most acceptable present that they could send to the King;
as indeed did all others. It was but a whelp. But the
King did never receive it, supposing it not so famous as he
had heard by report lions were. This man with his lion was
brought up and kept in the county of Ooddaboolat, nearly
^^'"^[afch^iesi:] Two OTHER AMBASSADORS DETAINED. 419
twenty miles from the King's Court : where he remained
about a year; in the which time the lion died.
The Ambassador, being weary of living thus like a prisoner,
with a guard always upon him, often attempted to go back ;
seeing the King would not permit him audience : but the
guards would not let him. Having divers times made
disturbances in this manner to get away home ; the King
commanded to bring him up into the city to an house that
was prepared for him, standing some distance from the
Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no
signs of audience ; he resolved to make his appearance before
the King by force : which he attempted to do ; when the King
was abroad taking his pleasure. The soldiers of his guard
immediately ran, and acquainted the noblemen at Court of
his coming; who delayed not to acquaint the King thereof.
Whereupon the King gave order forthwith to meet him ; and
where they met him in that same place to stop him till
further orders. And there they kept him, not letting him go
either forward or backward. In this manner and place, he
remained for three days : till the King sent orders that he
might return to his house whence he came. This the King
did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased to call him
before him. And there he remained when I left the country;
maintained with plenty of provisions at the King's charge.
The number of Dutch now living there may be about fifty
or sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors ; some prisoners
of war ; some runaways and malefactors that have escaped
the hand of justice, and got away from the Dutch quarters.
To all of whom, are allotted respective allowances ; but the
runaways have the least, the King not loving such, though
giving them entertainment.
The Dutch here love drink, and so practise their proper
vice in this country. One who was a great man in the Court,
would sometime come into the King's presence, half disguised
with drink; which the King often passed over: but once
asked him, " Why do you thus disorder yourself that when
I send for you about my business, you are not in a capacity
to serve me ? " He boldly replied, " That as soon as his
mother took away her milk from him ; she supplied it with
wine : and ever since," saith he, " I have used myself to it,"
With this answer, the King seemed to be pleased. And indeed
420 The Dutch disregard castes. [^""^'iLrch^iX
the rest of the white men are generally of the same temper;
insomuch that the Cingalese have a saying, "That wine is as
natural to white men as milk to children."
All differences of ranks and qualities are disregarded
among those Cingalese people that are under the Dutch.
Neither do the Dutch make any distinction between the
" Hondrews," and the low and inferior castes of men ; and
permit them to go in the same habit, and sit upon stools, as
well as the best Hondrews : and the lower ranks may eat and
intermarry with the higher without any punishment or any
cognizance taken of it. Which is a matter that the Cingalese
in Conde Uda are much offended with the Dutch for; and
makes them think, that they themselves are sprung from some
mean rank or extract. And this prejudiceth this people against
them ; that they have not such an esteem for them. For
to a Cingalese, his rank and honour is as dear as his life,
And thus much of the Dutch.
^""^'liarch^iesij French fleet arrives at Kottiaar. 421
Chapter XIV.
Concerning the French. With some inquiries zuhat
shottld make the King detain white men as he does.
And how the Christian religion is maintained
among the Christians there.
Bout the year 1672 or 1673 ; there came fourteen
sail of great ships from the King of France to settle
a trade here. Monsieur De la Have the Admiral,
put in with his fleet into the port of Kottiaar. From
whence, he sent up three men by way of embassy, to
the King of Kandy : whom he entertained very nobly, and gave
every one of them a chain of gold about their necks, and a
sword all inlaid with silver, and a gun. And afterwards he
sent one of them down to the Admiral with his answer which
encouraged him to send up others, that is, an Ambassador,
and six more, who were to reside there, till the return of the
fleet back again ; the fleet being about to sail to the coast
of Coromandel.
To the fleet, the King sent all manner of provisions, as
much as his ability could afford ; and not only permitted
but assisted them to build a fort in the bay : which they
manned, partly with their own people and partly with
Cingalese, whom the king sent and lent to the French. But
the Admiral finding that the King's provisions, and what else
could be brought in the island, would not suffice for so great
a fleet : was forced to depart for the coast of Coromandel,
promising the King by the Ambassador aforementioned,
speedily to return again. So leaving some of his men with
the King's supplies [auxiliaries] to keep the fort till his return :
he weighed anchor and set sail. But never came back again.
Some reported they were destroyed by a storm ; others by the
Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great presents,
but he would not presently receive them ; that it might not
seem as if he wanted anvthing or were greedy of things
42 2 The French Ambassador captive. P^'llarch^X:
brought to him : but since the French returned not according
to their promise ; he scorned ever after to receive them. At
first, he neglected the present out of State ; and ever since
out of anger and indignation. The French fort at Kottiaar
was a httle after, easily taken by the Dutch.
But to return to the Ambassador and his retinue. He
rode up from Kottiaar on horseback ; which was very grand in
that country : and being, with his company, gotten somewhat
short of the city [of Digligy], was appointed there to
stay until an house should be prepared in the city for their
entertainment. When it was signified to him that their
house was ready for their reception ; they were conducted
forward by certain nobleman sent by the King, carrying with
them a present for his majesty. The Ambassador came
riding on horseback into the city, which the noblemen
observing, dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on
foot ; telling him it was not allowable nor the custom : but
he, regarding them not, rode by the palace gate. It offended
the King ; but he took not much notice of it for the present.
The Ambassador alighted at his lodgings, where he and
his companions were nobly entertained ; and provisions sent
them ready dressed out of the King's palace three times a
day. Great plenty they had of all things the country
afforded.
After some time, the King sent to him to come to his
audience. In great state, he was conducted to the Court ;
accompanied with several of the nobles that were sent to
him. Coming — thus to the Court in the night — as it is the
King's usual manner at that season [time] to send for foreign
ministers, and give them audience — he waited there some
small time about two hours or less, the King not yet
admitting him. Which he took in such great disdain, and
for such an affront that he was made to stay at all ; much
more so long : that he would tarry no longer but went
towards his lodgings. Some about the Court observing this,
would have stopped him by elephants that stood in the court,
turning them before the gate, through which he was to pass :
but he would not so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his
sword, as if he meant to make his way by the elephants.
The people seeing his resolution, called away the elephants,
and let him pass.
^^^^Ma^ch^X.] Discord among the Frenchmen. 423
As soon as the King heard of it, he was highly displeased ;
insomuch that he commanded some of his officers, that they
should go, and beat them and clap them in chains : which
was immediately done to all ; excepting the two gentlemen
that were first sent up by the Admiral. (For these were not
touched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this
Ambassador : neither were they now in his company ;
excepting that one of them in the combustion got a few
blows.) They were likewise disarmed, and so have con-
tinued ever since. Upon this the gentlemen, attendants
upon the Ambassador, made their complaints to the captain
of their guards ; excusing themselves and laying all the
blame upon their Ambassador : urging " that they were his
attendants, and a soldier must obey his commander, and go
where he appoints him." Which sayings being told the King,
he approved thereof, and commanded them out of chains :
the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued
for six months. After which, he was released from his
chains, by means of the entreaties his own men made to the
great men in his behalf.
The rest of the Frenchmen, seeing how the Ambassador's
imprudent carriage had brought him to this misery, refused
any longer to dwell with him : and each of them by the
King's permission dwells by himself in the city ; being
maintained at the King's charge. Three of these — whose
names were Monsieur Du Plessy, son to a gentleman of note
in France; and Jean Bloom; the third — whose name I cannot
tell, but he was the Ambassador's boy — the King appointed
to look to his best horse kept in the palace. This horse
some time after died, as it is supposed of old age : which
extremely troubled the King. And imagining they had been
instrumental in hisdeath,bytheir carelessness: hecommanded
two of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom, to be
carried away into the mountains, and kept prisoners in chains.
Where they remained when I came thence.
The rest of them follow employments: some whereof distil
arrack, and keep the greatest taverns in the city.
Lately — a little before I came from the island — the King
understanding the disagreements and differences that were
still kept on foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his
company, disliked it ; and used these means to make them
424 The King tries to make peace. P^^Ma^ch^iTs*;
friends. He sent for them all, the Ambassador and the
rest; and told them, "that it was not seemly for persons as
they were, at such a distance from their own country, to
quarrel and fall out ; and that if they had any love for GOD
or the King of France or himself ; they should go home with
the Ambassador and agree and live together." They went
back together not daring to disobey the King : and as soon
as they were at home, the King sent a banquet after them of
sweetmeats and fruits to eat together. They did eat the
King's banquet ; but it would not make the reconcilement.
For after they had done, each man went home ; and dwelt in
their own houses, as they did before. It was thought that
this carriage would offend the King, and that he would,
at least, take away their allowance : and it is probable,
before this time the King hath taken vengeance on them.
But the Ambassador's carriage is so imperious, that they
would rather venture whatsoever might follow than be
subject to him. And in this case I left them.
Since my return to England; I presumed by a letter to
inform the French Ambassador then in London of the
aforesaid matters : thinking myself bound in conscience and
Christian charity to do my endeavour ; that their friends
knowing their condition, may use means for their deliverance.
The letter ran thus.
" These may acquaint your Excellency, that having been a
prisoner in the island of Ceylon, under the King of that country
nearly twenty years : by means of this my long detainment there,
I became acquainted with the French Ambassador and the other
gentlemen of his retinue, being in all eight persons ; who were
sent to treat with the said King in the year 1672, by Monsieur
De la Ha ye ; who came with a fleet to the port of Kottiaar or
Trincomalee, from whence he sent these gentlemen. And knowing
that from thence it is scarcely possible to send any letters or notice
to other parts — for in all the time of my captivity, I could never
send one word whereby my friends here might come to hear of my
condition; until with one more, I made an escape, leaving sixteen
Englishmen yet there — the kindness I have received from those
French gentlemen, as also my compassion for them being detained
in the same place with me : have obliged and constrained me to
^^^'^M^h^estJ Reasons for detaining white men. 425
h'esiime to trouble your Lordship with this paper; not knowing
any other means whereby I might convey notice to their friends and
relations, which is all the service I am able to perform for them.
'^ The Anibassador^s name I know not. There is a kinsman of
his, called Monsieur Le Serle, and a young gentleman called
Monsieur Du Plessy, and another named Monsieur La Roche.
The rest, by name I know not."
And then an account of them is given, according to what I
have mentioned above.
" I shall not presume to be further tedious to your Honour.
Craving pardon for my boldness, which an affection to those
gentlemen, being in the same land with me, hath occasioned ;
concerning whom if your Lordship be pleased further to be
informed, I shall be both willing and ready to be.
" Yours, &c"
The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak
with me. Upon whom I waited, and he, after some speech
with me ; told me he would send word into France of it, and
gave me thanks for this my kindness to his countrymen.
It may be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be,
that the King detains the European people as he does. It
cannot be out of hope of profit or advantage, for they are so
far from bringing him any, that they are a very great
charge ; being all maintained either by him or his people.
Neither is it in the power of money to redeem any one ; for
that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me
conclude it is not out of profit or envy or ill-will, but out of
love and favour, that he keeps them ; delighting in their
company, and to have them ready at his command.
For he is very ambitious of the service of these men ; and
winks at many of their failings, more than he uses to do
towards his natural subjects.
As may appear from a Company of white soldiers he hath,
who upon their watch used to be very negligent ; one lying
drunk here, and another there: which remissness in his own
soldiers, he would scarcely have endured, but it would have
cost their lives ; but with these, he useth more craft than
severity to make them more watchful.
426 The King's European guard, p^'liafch'^iesi:
These soldiers are under two Captains, the one a Dutchman
and the other a Portuguese. They are appointed to guard
one of the King's magazines ; where they always keep
sentinel, both by day and night. This is a pretty good
distance from the Court, and here it was the King contrived
their station, that they might swear and swagger out of his
hearing, and that nobody might disturb them nor they
nobody. The Dutch captain lies at one side of the gate,
and the Portuguese at the other.
Once the King, to employ these his white soldiers, and to
honour them, by letting them see what an assurance he
reposed in them ; sent one of his boys thither to be kept
prisoner, which they were very proud of. They kept him
two years in which time he had learnt both the Dutch and
Portuguese language. Afterwards the King retook the boy
into his service; and within a short time after, executed him.
But the King's reason in sending this boy to be kept by these
soldiers was probably, not as they supposed and as the king
himself outwardly pretended, viz.: — to show how much he
confided in them, but out of design to make them look the
better to their watch, which their debauchery made them
very remiss in. For the prisoner's hands only were in chains,
and not his legs. So that his possibility of running away,
having his legs at liberty; concerned them to be circumspect
and wakeful : and they knew if he had escaped it were as
much as their lives were worth. By this crafty and kind
way did the king correct the negligence of his white soldiers.
Indeed his inclinations are much towards the Europeans,
making them his great officers; accounting them more
faithful and trusty than his own people. With these he
often discourses concerning the affairs of their countries, and
promotes to places far above their ability and sometimes
their degree or desert. And indeed all over the land they do
bear, as it were, a natural respect and reverence to white
men ; inasmuch as black, they hold to be inferior to white :
and they say the gods are white, and that the souls of the
blessed after the resurrection will be white ; and therefore
that black is a rejected and accursed colour.
And as further signs of the King's favour to them, there are
many privileges which the white men have and enjoy, as
tolerated or allowed them from the King, which I suppose
^''^'li^ch'^iX.] White men a tax on the Cingalese. 427
may proceed from the aforesaid consideration : as, to wear
any manner of apparel, either gold, silver or silk, shoes and
stockings, a shoulder belt and sword ; their houses may be
whitened with lime; and many such things: all which the
Cingalese are not permitted to do.
He will also sometimes send for them into his presence,
and discourse familiarly with them, and entertain them with
great civilities ; especially white Ambassadors. They are
greatly chargeable unto his country, but he regards it not in
the least. So that the people are more like slaves unto us,
than we to the King : inasmuch as they are enforced by his
command to bring us maintenance. Whose poverty is
so great oftentimes, that for want of what they supply us
with ; themselves, their wives and children are forced to
suffer hunger. This being as a due tax imposed upon them
to pay unto us. Neither can they by any power or authority
refuse the payment thereof to us. For in my own hearing,
the people once complaining of their poverty and inability to
give us any longer our allowance, the magistrate or governor
replied, " It was the King's special command, and who durst
disannul it ? And if otherwise they could not supply us with
our maintenance; he bade them sell their wives and children,
rather than we should want of our due." Such is the favour
that Almighty GOD hath given Christian people in the sight
of this heathen King; whose entertainment and usage of them
is thus favourable.
If any inquire into the religious exercise and worship
practised among the Christians there : I am sorry I must
say it ; I can give but a slender account. For they have no
churches, nor no priests; and so no meetings together on the
Lord's days for Divine Worship; but each one reads and
prays at his own house, as he is disposed. They sanctify the
day chiefly by refraining work, and meeting together at
drinking houses. They continue the practice of baptism.
And there being no priests, they baptize their children them-
selves with water, and use the words " In the name of the
FATHER, and of the SON, and of the HOLY GHOST;" and
give them Christian names. They have their friends about
them at such a time, and make a small feast, according to
428 Religious life of the Christians. p^'^Kch'^iX.
their ability : and some teach their children to say their
prayers, and to read ; and some do not.
Indeed their religion, at the best, is but negative, that is,
they are not heathen ; they do not comply with the idolatry
here practised : and they profess themselves Christians in a
general maimer; which appears by their names, and by their
beads and crosses, that some of them wear about their necks.
Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from compliance with
the religion of the country. For some of them, when they
are sick do use the ceremonies which the heathen do in the
like case : as in making idols of clay, and setting them up in
their houses, and offering rice to them ; and having weavers
to dance before them. But they are ashamed to be known
to do this : and I have known none to do it, but such as are
Indian born. Yet I never knew any of them, that do
inwardly in heart and conscience incline to the ways of the
heathen ; but perfectly abhor them. Nor have there been
any, I ever heard of, that came to their temples, upon any
religious account ; but only would stand by and look on :
without it were one old priest, named Padre Vergonse, a
Genoese born and of the Jesuit's order; who would go to the
temples and eat with the weavers and other ordinary people,
of the sacrifices offered to the idols. But with this apology
for himself ; "That he ate it as common meat and as GOD's
creature; and that it was never the worse for the superstition
that had passed upon it."
But however this may reflect upon the Father, another
thing may be related for his honour. There happened two
priests to fall into the hands of the King, on whom he conferred
great honours. For having laid aside their habits, they kept
about his person ; and were the greatest favourites at Court.
The King, one day, sent for Vergonse, and asked him if it
would not be better for him to lay aside his old coat and cap ;
and to do as the other two priests had done, and receive
honour from him. He replied to the King, "That he boasted
more in that old habit, and in the name of Jesus; than in
all the honour that he could do him." And so refused the
King's honour. The King valued the Father for this saying.
He had a pretty library about him, and died in his bed of
old age : whereas the two other priests in the King's service,
died miserably ; one of a cancer, and the other was slain.
^'"tia^ch'^iX:] We usually say, "We Christians." 429
The old priest had about thirty or forty books ; which the
king, they say, seized on after his death, and keeps.
These priests and more, lived there ; but were all deceased,
excepting Vergonse, before my time. The King allowed them
to build a church. Which they did, and the Portuguese
assembled there. But they made no better than a bawdy
house of it. For which cause, the King commanded to pull
it down.
Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are
no differences kept up among them ; but they are as good
friends as if there were no such parties : and there is no other
distinction of religion there, but only heathens and Christians ;
and we usually say, *' We Christians."
FINIS.
Curiously enough, the name of this native King does not transpire in
the above narrative. It was Rajah SiNGHA the Second. He lived till
1687.
The names of places in the original work have been corrected by those
in that most valuable Map of Ceylon, by Major-General John Fraser.
A
RELATION
Of the Retaking of the
ISLAND
OF
S^^ HELENA,
And Three
Dutch East-India
SHIPS.
jBubli6l)eti bp :autI)ontp.
In the Savoy,
Printed by Thomas Newcomb,
M. DC. LXXIII.
II. 2 E 5
433
4>4-4^^-4^4"4^4"4^4"4^4"4^4"4^^4^4"4^4'
A Relation of the Retaking of the Island
of Saint a Helena ; and three Dutch
East India ships.
|N THE 4th of May [1673] last, in the morning, we
came in sight of the isle of Saint Helena. In two
hours afterwards ;"'we had concluded what to do
for the retaking of the island : and ordered 200
men with field colours and officers, who were
appointed to be put on board a vessel, out of which they
might be landed ; whilst we attacked the ships in the road,
in case there should be any there.
About eleven in the forenoon, the Assistance frigate made
sail, that we might be near in the night, to discover the
strength of the road : the rest of our ships having furled all
their sails, lay so till the evening, and came in to us in the
night.
The next morning, about seven o'clock, all our ships
being to the windward of the isle about five miles : our boat
came on board, and told us that the road was clear. So we
immediately put 200 men more, on board the Castle fireship ;
and left her and the other vessel to land our 400 men to the
windward of the island, in Prosperous Bay.
The four Men of War made sail for the forts, against which
we anchored about one in the afternoon ; and after four hours'
dispute [firing], went to the westward, and there let go our
anchor again : being confident our men must have landed
and gained the hills before that time ; and that by the next
morning, we might expect them on the back of the forts,
against which time it was resolved to have the William
and Thomas and one ship more, close under the fort. The
434THE ISLAND SURRENDERED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE. [J^^^
Dutch no sooner saw us come up again, and that we did
not intend to leave them : but they came off, and yielded
the island upon condition that they might not be stripped ;
which we accepted. They not yet knowing of any army that
we had landed.
At sunset we took possession of James' Fort, and
despatched a trumpeter to Captain Keigwin, commander
of our land force, to acquaint him with what had passed;
and to prevent any injury that might be done to the isle by
our men in their march to the fort.
On the nth, between seven and eight in the evening, a
ship appeared in sight with a flag aloft ; which we cut after,
and by eleven at night came up with her, and took her :
which proved to be one of the Dutch East India fleet, sent
before [in advance] with the new Governor for Saint Helena.
On the 26th, early in the morning, we saw our flags on the
mount hoisted; which gave us an account that there were
six sail in sight. About ten in the forenoon, wehad advice
that four were coming one way and two the other : who
immediately appeared in sight at both ends of the island.
They no sooner saw us ; but they clapped by a wind, and we
after them : the Assistance, the William and Thomas, and the
Castle fireship, with one Merchantman to the eastward, after
four: the Mary and Martha, with two other Merchantmen,
to the westward, after two ; but it being a very hard gale,
we could do nothing on them.
At night tht Assistance got up with their Vice-Admiral, and
the William and Thomas with their Admiral ; with whom they
kept company all night : and the 27th in the morning, took
them ; but not in company one with the other, every ship
steering his own course, believing by that to lose us.
The said four Men of War, fireship, and three Dutch East
India prizes; together with five English East India ships who
came in company with the Men of War ; are since safely
arrived.
FINIS.
INDEX
Abbesse, The, ii. 173-174.
Abex, II. 43-44.
Acapulco, I. xxi, xxiv, 206, 268, 287.
Achen, King of, II. 42, 46-48.
Ackbar, Emperor, i. xxvii, 301, 303-
304, 330.
Acklow, II. 173.
Adam's Peak, 11. 304.
Adams, Robert, 11. 144,
Africa, Early Portuguese knowledge
of, II. xiii, n.
Agra, I. 330.
Agua Secura, I. 288.
Albergaria, Lopo Soares de, li. xxiii.
Albertus, Don, il. 6.
Albuquerque, Alfonso de, il. xxiii,
Matthias de, I. 316-319, 325; li.
37,49-50, 114.
Alcantraz Island, I. 38.
Alen9on, Duke of, ll. 29.
Aleppo, I. xix, 135, 139 sqq. ; II. 28.
Alexandria, I. 135, 12,9 sqq.
Alfhuisen, Gerrard Van, I. 331 ; II.
83-84, no.
Algiers, li. 154-15$, 178-180.
Allahabad, i. 330.
Allen, Richard, 11. 262.
Alligator, i. 226.
Alloot Newera, II. 307.
Alva, Don Lorenzo de, I. 177.
Duke of, I. xvi, 129-130; ii. 3-4.
Ambassador, The French, ll. 424.
Ambassadors in Ceylon, II. 415, 427;
Dutch, 416-418, 346-347 ; French,
421-425.
America, Description of North, I. 162
sqq.
Angel, The, I. xv, 113, 118 sqq., 174,
222 sqq.
Angola, II. 136, 145-146, 149.
Angra, l. 23 ; II. 93 sqq. ; description
of, 98-99 ; W. I. Fleet there, 197-
ig8.
Anne of Austria, 11. 3.
Anthonie, William, 11. 145, 147.
Antonio, Don, i. 215-216, 313, 316-
317 ; II. 3, 6, 92, 187, 189, 196.
Antony, William, 11. 207-208
Aquilhas Cape das, 11. 79-80.
Arabs, i. 298-302, 309-311 ; II. xxii.
Arctic voyages, li. xi.
Argire, see Algiers.
Arica, i. 284-285.
Aripo Fort, ii. 398.
Armada, Spanish, il. 92, 108, 160.
Arreliqias, II. 39-42.
Ascension, II. 88.
Aucher, Sir Anthony, I. 1,2, 4.
Augsburg, II, 55.
Auto da Fe, i. 21.
Aviles, Pero Menendez de, II. xix.
Azavedo, Jerome, il. xxiv.
Azores, i. 22, 154; li. 6; Linschoten
there, 90 sqq. ; description, 97 sqq. ;
earthquake there, 115; cyclone there,
121 ; Sir John Borrough there, 133
sqq. ; the Earl of Cumberland there,
186 sqq.
Aztecs, I. xxiv.
Babylon, see Bagdad.
Badajos, II. 3-4.
Badoola, II. 307.
Bagdad, I. xxvii, 229-300, 310-31 1 ; II,
28.
Bahamas, I. 281.
Baker, Matthew, I. 5.
Ballads, i. 294.
Balma, i. 162.
Balsora, see Bussorah.
Baltic, I. ix.
Bantam, II. 407.
Barbary, II. 6, 28, 40, 170.
Bardes, II. 19-20, 38, 48.
Barley, William, 11. 151.
Barrutti, li. 182.
436
436
Voyages and Travels
Bartandono, II. iiS-lig.
Bartholomew Island, I. 283.
Bassan, Don Alonso de, II. 113, I17,
I33> 144-
Bassas da India, see India, Shoals of.
Bastimentos Island, 11. 239-240.
Barret, Robert, I. 181, 196-19S, 22S,
2T,6 sqq., 302, 30S-309.
William, I. 302, 308-309.
Batticalloe, I. 331 ; 11. 301, 303.
Batticola, Queen of, II. 57.
Batuta, John, 11. xxii.
Bedford, Earl of, I. 256, 261.
Bedonne, Thomas, li. 137.
Belligam, li. 414.
Benares, I. 330.
Benin, I. x.
Be3Tout, II. 182.
Bhar, li. 58-59.
Bible, Geneva, 11. 330-332.
Bimba, Village of, I. 43.
Bintenne, il. 302, 307.
Bir, I. 230, 297-298.
Biscay, New, I. 267, 2S8.
Bitumen, i. 302.
Blake, Thomas, i. ix, 7, 18.
Blanco, Cape, I. 37.
Bland, Captain, I. 184, 222, 230.
Bodenham, Roger, I. viii, 1-5, 26-28.
Bonder, Coswat, 11. 324 sqq.
Boswell, Captain, II. 186.
Bourne, Nicholas, ll. 221.
Bowyer, Sir William, II. 182. 1S4.
Braintree, II. 152.
Brava, II. 43.
Brazil, i. xi, 282 ; li. xvi «., 12-13, 98'
100, 107, 112, 201-220.
Bresil, 11. 98, lOO, 105, 195.
Castle, II. 198.
Breton, Cape, I. xvii, 161 sqq., 31S.
Bristol, I. 8.
Broecke, Bernard Ten, II. ix.
Browne, Richard, I. 161 sqq., 1S7, 198.
Btienjesiis, The, II. 136.
Burboroata, I. xiv, 50-55, 225.
Burborough Water, see Burboroata.
Burcherts, Bernard, il. viii, 28.
Burleigh, Lord, see Cecil, Sir William.
Burrough, Sir John, II. 129-141.
Bussorah, I. xxvii, 300-301, 311 ; II.
35-
Cadiz, i. i, 8, 10; 11. 132, 264.
Cagliari, li. 216, 220.
Calicut, II. 24, 60.
California, see Biscay, New.
Calpentyn, II. 302.
Camara, Ruy Gonsalves de, II. 34, 43.
Cambaia, I. 314; li. 23.
Camels, I. 35.
Campeche, see Yucatan.
Campion, Jasper, i. xix, 132-138.
Canaries, I. ix-x, 9, 153, 174, 264,
281-282 ; II. 229.
Candia, I. 2, 5, 148, 182-183.
Cao, Diego, 11. xxii.
Cape of Good Hope, I. 289-290; 11.
12-14, 29, 33, 38, 63, 68-69, 7Sj 81-
83, no, 149.
Capling, William, II. 182.
Capul, I. XXV, 289.
Carania, The Do7?i Jesus de, 11. 27, 39.
Careless, Edward, see Wright, Edward.
Carmosel, Greek, i. 252.
Carrack, Internal economy of a, ll.
8-II.
Carreiro, Bras, II. 149.
Cartagena, I. 95-96, 176, 227 ; II. 242,
254, 257.
Carvalho, Bernadine de, 11. 45.
Castelin, Edward, I. 10.
Castro, Don Pedro de, lI. 18.
Cativaas, II. 252.
Caulfield, Captain, II. 134.
Cavallios, I. 214, 270.
Cave, George, 11. 145-147.
Cavendish, Thomas, I. xxii, xxiv ;
Voyage round world, 281 sqq. ; letter
of, 291 ; II. 77, 83, no.
Cecil, Sir W^illiam, Lord Burleigh, I.
vii, xiii, 83, 87, 89, 127.
Ceely, Christopher, II. 221.
Cephalonia, I. 260.
Ceylon, i. 332 ; 11. xx-xxiv, 45, 295
sqq. description, 301 sqq. ; provinces
of, 302-303; Thorn Gates, 314;
ambassadors, 415-425 ; rebellion in,
348-352.
Chagres, river of, II. 241-242, 272.
Chamberlayne, John, I. 260.
Champaigne, Monsieur, I. 163, 171,
Chancellor, Richard, I. ix, 5.
Charles v., I. x.
Chaul, I. 314-315 ; II- 34, 45-
Cheripa, i. 285.
Chiapa, i. 284, 292.
Chichemics, I. 1S5, 232, 274-276.
Chili, I. 284, 292.
Chilton, John, i. xviii, xxi, 263 sqq.
Leonard, I. ID.
Index
437
China, I. 290; 11. viii, xxi-xxii, 39, 42,
55, 83, 94, 268, 304-305.
Cholula, I. 266.
Cimaroons, II. xviii, 85 sqq., 232 sqq.
Cingalese, character, etc., Ii. 310-
313-
marriages, 11. 363.
practice of detaining white men,
II. xxiv.
Cintra, 11. 2.
Ciudad Real, see Zacatlan.
Claesz, Cornelius, li. xi.
Clarke, William, I. 108-109.
Clifford, George, see Cumberland, Earl
of.
Cochin, I. 332; II. viii, 14-15, 21, 26-
29, 38-41, 44-45, 56, 60, 62-63, 68.
Cochineal, i. 28, 208.
Cockle, Abraham, 11. 136.
Coligny, 11. xvi n, xix.
Collier, James, i. 232.
CoUivvilla, 11. 380.
Colombo, II. xxiii, 45, 301-302, 351,
401-406, 413-414.
Colonna, Prince Vespasian Gonzago,
I. 151.
Comoro Islands, II. 19.
Compass, Variation of the, I. 154.
Compostella, I. 287.
Conde, Uda, 11. 295 sqq.
Conde, 11. xxiii.
Constantinople, I. 256.
Content, The, I. xxiv, 281 sqq,
Cookooe, see Kabyles.
Coromandel, II. xxiv, 315.
Cormorin, Cape, I. 332.
Coron, I. 135.
Corrientes, Cape, 11. 14.
Cortes, Hernando, I. 16, 267, 269.
Corunna, II. ill, 113.
Corvo,
Costa Rica, I. 270.
Cotteragom, 11. 309.
Cotton wool, I. 134, 273-277.
Coutinho, Antonio d'Azevedo, II. 37.
Manuel de Sousa, li. 45, 50.
Covilhao, Pero de, 11. xxiv.
Crosse, Sir Robert, II. 132, 137-139.
Cuama, river, il. xiii n.
Cuba, I. 65, 66, 96, 270-271.
Cumana, i. 48.
Cumberland, Earl of, i. viii ; 11. xiv,
93, 96, loo-ioi, 103-105, 136, 145,
186-212.
Cumina, i. 161.
Cura9ao, i. 55-56, 172, 225.
Cyprus, II. 182.
Dainty, The, II. 137-138.
Darien, Gulf of, li. xvi.
Davis, John, 11. 190, 197, 200.
Deccan, 11. xxiv, 47.
Depositions in Admiralty Court, I.
104-126.
Desire, The, I. xxiv-xxv, 281 sqq. ; II.
xxiv, 47, 77, 82.
Desmund, Earl of, 11. 209.
Detavora, Ruy Lorenzo, II. 20.
Diaz, Bartholomew,
Dickenson, Miles, i. 246.
Diego, Don, 11. 5.
Dier, Andrew, 249-251.
Digligly, Newera, 11. 307, 349.
Dingle, ll. 209-211.
Disdain, The, il. 130.
Dog, The, II. 127.
DoUosbage, II. 303.
Dolphin, The, I. viii ; II. xiv, 213.
Dominica, I. 46-47, 176, 281 ; il. 229.
Doria, Juanette, I. 133.
Pedro, I. 133.
Derives, Juan, Ii. 103.
Downton, Nicholas, II. 136, 145.
Draak, Hendrick, II. 417.
Dragon, The, II. 228.
' Dragontea,' II. xv, xix.
Drake, Sir Francis, i. viii, xvi, xxi, 85,
87 ; his first command, 222, 224 ; at
Acapulco, 206-208, 268 ; his alleged
desertion of Hawkins, 230 ; at the
Moluccas, I. 317; revived, il. xv-xx,
221 sqq.
(nephew), il. 221, 223.
John, II. 262.
Joseph, II. 263.
Ducket, Lionel, i, xi-xv, 29.
Dudley, Captain, I. 222, 224.
Dupleix, II. xxiv.
Eddystone, II. 212.
Eldred, John, I. xx, xxvi-xxviii, 295
55^^., 312-314.
Elizabeth, Queen, I. x, xiii, xix, 84-88,
220, 256, 292, 303-305 ; II. 143, 224-
225.
EUedat, li. 361-362, 346, 368.
Elmo, St., I. 14 ; II, 71.
Elvas, II. 4.
Embden, II. 187.
438
Voyages and Travels
Enkhuizen, II. vii-viii, xi, i, 53, 55,
126.
Zeekaeitbock, 11. xxii.
Essex, Walter, Earl of, II. 226.
Ethiopia, i. xxi, 289.
Euphrates, I. 297-298, 332.
Evinquez, Martin, I. xviii.
Exchange, The Royal, II. 145-150.
Eyrus, William, 11. 184-185.
Fa Hien, ii. xxi-xxii,
Fayal, 11, 91, loi, 103, lio-lli, 146,
149, 190-194.
Felugia, 297-298.
Fereia, Duke and Duchess of, I. 128-
129.
Ferrol, II. 116.
Field, John, i. 7-15.
Figari, Gasnar, 411.
Finisterre, Cape, i. 174 ; li. 2.
Fitch, Ralph, I. xx, xxvi, xxviii, 295
sqq., 318 ; II. vii-viii.
Fitzwilliams, i. 127-130.
Flamingo, I. 169.
Flemish Isles, see Azores.
Florida, i. 65 sqq. ; description, 74-79,
161, 281 ; II. xiv, xvi, xix, 106.
Floves, Alvar de Quintones, II. 104.
Alvaro de, II, 107, 109.
Island of, II. 90, lOI, 134, 136,
150, 156, 188-189.
Flying Fish, i. 156.
Fones, Humphrey, I. 113.
Fonseca, Archbishop Vincente de, I.
317 ; II. 6-7, 13, 20-21, 28.
Foresight, The, 11. 130, 132, 137-139.
Formentera, Island of, II. 155.
Forrest, George, II. 184.
Foukers, II. 55.
Foves, I. 291.
Fowler, William, I. 104, io6-io8.
Fox, I. xix-xx.
John, I. \-y)sqq.
France, Isle de, II. xxiv.
Francisco, Rio, il. 233.
Frobisher, Sir Martin, 11. iii, 130-133,
212.
Galle, Point de, ii. xxiii-xxiv, 301.
Gallipoli, I. 149-150.
Ganges, II. xxi.
Garland, The, II. 130-131.
Garrard, Sir William, i. xv, xxiii «.,
108-109, 115 ^11-
Garrett, John, il. xvii, 230-231.
Gata, Cabo de, il. 153.
Gauluda Mountains, 11. 308.
Genoa, II. 155-156.
Gerritzs, Dirck, II. viii, 55.
Giffard, George, II. 131.
Goa, II. vii, xxi, I, 14, 15, 18-24.
Goddard, Anthony, I. 186 sqq., 232.
Goddaponahoy, 11. 302.
Godolphin, Sir Francis, II. 212.
Golden Dragon, The, 11. 136, 138.
Gomeral, Isle of, i. 222.
Gomez, Diego, il. 193.
Gons, Riklof van. Governor of Col-
ombo, II. 402-404.
Gonsalves, Antam, i. x.
Peter, ll. 71.
Gonson, Matthew, I. x.
Richard, II. 183.
William, 11. 183-184.
The Matthew, i. 136-139; II. 184.
Gosson, Henry, 11. 212.
Grace, Fran9oise de, 11. xix.
Grace of God, The, I. 119, 222, 230.
Graciosa, li. 91, loi, 103, 121, 195-
197.
Grant, Captain, 11. 146-148.
Gray, Richard, il. 184.
Gregory, John, li. 323, 335.
Grenada, i. 47.
Grenville, Sir Richard, I. xxii, 281 ;
death, li. 116-118, 189.
Gresham, John, II. 182.
William, II. 182.
Grimvaldo, Cyprian, li. 31.
Guatemala, i. 213, 268-270, 272, 286.
Guadeloupe, 11. 229.
Guascaca, i. 268.
Guayaquil, i. xxiv.
Guayra, La, i. 50.
Guinea, I. 91, 94, 174-175. 219 sqq.,
282 ; II. 98, 107.
Guinea, Coast of, I. x, xiii ; II. II.
Gulf Stream, I. 67-68.
Gunson, William, il. 182.
Gunston, i. 29,
Haarlem, ii. vii.
Hakluyt, Rev. Richard, I. vii, ix, xiv ;/.,
29, 161, 306-307; II. xiv, 127, 142,
181-184.
Hamburg, il. viii, 28, 54.
Hammah, I. 296.
Hampton, John, I. 184.
Thomas, I. 105.
Index
439
Handapondown, ll. 356.
Handapoul, II. 328.
Hanse, Traders, I. ix, xiii.
Hartop, Job, i. xvi, xvii, 219 sqq.
Hastleton, Richard, i. viii ; li. xiii,
152-180.
Havanna, i. 66, 214, 270-271 ; II. xv,
xix, 102, 107, 112, 123.
Havre, 11. xvii, xix, 186.
Hawkins, Sir John, i. vii-xix, xxi ;
first voyage, ix-xii, 29-30; second
voyage, xiii, xv, 31-80 ; third voyage,
xv-xx, 81-130, 161-242; deposition,
109-113 ; pretended treachery, 127-
130 ; II. iii, xviii ; attempted assassi-
nation, I. 228.
William (Senr. ), I. vii, ix, x.
(Junr.), I. 83-90.
Haye, De la. Admiral, 11. 421.
Hell Gate, 11. 212.
Henriquez, Don Martin de, see Indies,
Viceroy of.
Henry, Don, King of Portugal, II, 3.
Herbeistein, Sigismund von, I. ix.
Hevahatt, ll. 307.
Hevoihattay, II. 302.
Hickman, Anthony, I. 10.
Hioiien, Thsang, 11. xxii.
Hippopotamus, i. 222.
Hispaniola, see San Domingo.
Hixom, Ellis, li. 221, 241, 264, 279.
Holstocke, William, 11. 183-184.
Holy Cross, The, 11. 183.
Honawur, 11. 56-57.
Honduras, i. 268, 270, 271.
Hooghly, I. 331.
Hooke, Robert, 11. xx.
Hooper, John, i. 186-187.
Hotkorle, ll. 302, 324.
Hotterakorle, 11. 303, 357, 412.
Howard, Lord Thomas, il. 116, 130,
232.
Huescotzinco, I. 266.
Huguenots, i. xiv, 69-74 > ll* xvi, xix.
Hunsdon, Lord, i. 291.
India Company, ii. xiv, xxviii, 142 ;
Committees of, 297-300, 407.
Overland route to, i. 295 sqq.
Shoals of, II. 40.
Indias, Historia Natural y Moral de
las. II. xi.
Indies, Archbishop of, sen Fonseca
Vincente de.
Indies, Viceroy of the, I. xviii, iio-iii,
178 sqq. ; funeral of, ii. 18 sqq., 48;
election of, 49.
West, I. 82, 176 sqq. ; II. 131-
132; value of money there, I. 105.
Ingram, David, I. xvi-xvii, 186-187.
Inquisition, The, I. 23, 197 sqq., 216,
240; II. 156 sqq.
Itine^ario (Linschoten's), I. viii ; II.
vii-xii.
Ivan, the Terrible, I. ix.
Jaffnapatam, II. 301.
Jaguars, i. 225.
Jalapa, I. 213.
Jamaica, I. 62-64, 270.
Janissaries, i. 247-248, 296-297.
Japan, II. viii, 22, 39, 42, 54-55, 94.
Japanese Princes, 11. 22-23.
Java, I. xxvi, 289-290 ; II. 83.
Jenkinson, Anthony, I. xxvii.
Jesuits, I. 317-318, 326-329 ; II. 22-23.
Jesus of Lubeck, The, I. xiii, xv, xviii,
115 sqq., 173 sqq., 222 sqq.
Joosten, Hugghen, II. 29.
Jor, II. 42, 46.
Judith, The, i. xv-xvi, 85, 174, 222,
Junk, Chinese, I. 290 ; li. 83.
Kabyles, The, ii. 170-179.
Kaffirs, II. 33, 86.
Kalliwilla, see CoUiwilla.
Kandy, II. xxiii, xiv, 4, 5, 8, 41-43,
55, 58, 306, 409.
King of, II. 2,02 sqq. ; his jealousy
of letters, 343-345 ; his European
guard, 426.
Kaufmann, Gerard, II. xiv.
Kelley, Captain, 11. 217-219.
Khi-nie, 11. xxi.
Knox, Robert (Senr.), 11. xx, 295, 315-
326,
(Junr.), I. viii ; II. xx, xxi,
xxiv, 295-429.
Kottemalle Oya, River, II. 304.
Kottiar, Fort, li. 422.
LaDRGNES, I. XXV, 28S.
Lagoondenia, 11. 357-360.
Laguna La, i. 10.
Land's End, i. i.
Lanka, 11. xxi.
Las Casas, I. x.
Laudonniere, I. xiv, 71,
Lauren50, II. xxiii.
440
Voyages and Travels
La wrence, Island of St., j^g Madagascar.
Leaguers, ii. i86, 197.
Leauava, II. 308-309.
Lebanon, Mount, I. 296.
Leedes, William, I. 305, 318, 330; il.
vii, viii.
Lepanto, Gulf of, 11. xiv, 153.
Levant, Antiquity of English trade in,
II. xiv.
trade with the, II. 182.
Limehouse, II. 153.
Lingua Franca, 11. 171.
Linschoten, Jan Huggen van, I. viii,
290, 318, 324; II. vii-viii, xxiii-xxiv,
I, 129, 148, 190.
Linschoten's Itinerario, I. viii ; il. vii-
X.
Linschoten, Village of, II. vii.
Lion, The, 264, 285.
Lisbon, I. 152 ; II. vii, 2-7, 23, 92, 1 13,
124.
River of, II. 90, 124.
Lister, Captain Christopher, II. 186,
191, 195-196, 199-200, 212.
Llagas, Las Cinque, 11. 27, 145-150.
Lock, Michael, i. 136.
Sir William, II. 182.
Lodge, Sir Thomas, I. 29.
Longe, Henry, 11. 186.
Loveland, John, II. 316, 323.
Lovell, Captain, i. xv, 95, 228.
Lu^on, I. 227, 236.
Luxan, Francisco de, I. xviii.
Mace, William, ii. 127-128.
Madagascar, I. xxi, 15, 17 ; II. xxiv,
14, 15, 27, 29, 68.
Madeira. I. 153; li. 7, II, 228.
Madras, II. 315.
Madre de Dios, II. 129, 136, 137-144.
Magdalena, 11. 246-248, 291 ; i. 224.
Magellan's Straits, I. xxii, in, 282,
292 ; II. 3, 22, '83.
Mahavilla Ganga, 11. 303-304.
MarignoUi, Bishop John de, II. xxii.
Majorca, I. I ; il. 156-157.
Malabar, il. viii, 21, 23, 24, 39, 54, 56,
no, 393-395, 408.
Malacca, i. 331 ; li. 15, 38, 42, 43, 46-
48, 68, 70, 82-83, 93-94, no, 113,
116, 123.
Maldive, II. 68, 339.
Malo, St., II. 186, 197.
Malta, I. 2, 133.
Man, Henry, 11. 342, 343.
Manaar, Isle of, 11. 301, 399.
Mangate River, II. 63.
Manilla, I. xxv.
Maps, II. X.
Marco Polo, II. xxii.
Margaret, The, \l. 186, 197, 201.
Margarita, i. xviii, 47, 95, 176, 225.
Marksbury, Captain, 11. 190.
Martenson, Cornelius, II. 120.
Mary Marten, The, II. 153, 154.
Queen of Scots, i. 127-130.
Mary's, St., Island, 11. 199-200.
Mascharhenas, i. 314; 11. 20, 25, 26.
Matella, 11. 302.
Maximilian, Emperor, il. 4, 5.
May Flower, The, ll. 145-147.
May, River of, I. 69, 70, 166.
Mecameca, i. 208.
Medina, Duke of. i. 129, 130.
Meg, The, 11. 1S6.
Mello, Martin Alonzo, 11. 43, 44.
Mendoza, Fernando de, il. 31, 140.
Meneses, Don Duarte, li. 27-28, 48.
Mervin, Captain, ll. 186.
Messina, I. I, 2, 5 ; li. 184.
Mesticlan, i. 192.
Mexico, I. viii-ix, 7-23, 26-28, i?>z sqq.,
194, 234, 263, 266, 2S6-288, 292; II.
106, 127, 132.
Meztitlan, I. 273.
Michaelson, William, II. 127.
Mina, El, I. 94.
Minion, The, I. x «., xiii w. , xv-xvi,
32 sqq., 89, 222 sqq. ; II. 281-282.
Modon, I. 135.
Moluccas, I. xxvi, 270-289, 292 ; II. 94.
Money, Values of, I. 320.
Monomotapa, 11. 17.
Monson, Sir William, II. 186, 191.
Montezuma, i. 16.
Moore, Thomas, Ii. 244.
Mosquitos, I. II, 817.
Mounts Bay, i. 89.
Mozambique, I. 15, 17.
Munday, Anthony, i. 139.
Muscovy, I. ix, xi-xii.
Natal, ii. 14, 73.
Nautilus, I. 153.
Navarre, I. 88; II. Ill, 284.
Navidad, I. 268, 287.
Navigation, Certain Errors in, II. xiv.
Navigations, Principal, Hakluyt's, I.
vii, viii.
Needles, Cape of, 11. 79-80.
Index
441
Negombo, II. 302.
Negroes, I. 38-44, 174-175; their
commercial value, 106-107.
Nellembe, Newera, li. 307, 348.
New Spain, 11. 122, see Mexico.
Newberie, John, i. viii, xxvi, 295, 301,
303 sqq. ; II. vii-viii.
Newcomb, Thomas (printer), 11. 433.
Newfoundland, II. 80-187, I97'
Newport, Christopher, ir. 136-137.
Nicaragua, l. 270.
Nichols, Philip, ll. 215-219, 221.
Nicolu, II. 35.
Niger, li. xiii n.
Nilus, river, 11. xiii n.
Nombre de Dios, i. 272 ; II. xvi, xviii,
221, 232, 272, 276.
Norado, Patrone, I. 247.
Norfolk, Duke of, il. 1S4.
Norris, Sir John, li. 92.
Norton, Captain, 11. 136, 139.
Nwerakalowe, 11. 302, 409.
OcHON, Fernando, i. xi,
Oodanowera, 11. 61, 302.
Ooddaboolat, 11. 303, 307.
Oovvah, II. 302, 307.
Opdam, Admiral, il. 344.
Orange, Prince of, 11. 29.
Oristano, II. 220.
Ormus, I. 1-27, 290-300, 312, 314-316,
319 sqq. ; II. 27 sqq., 82.
Queen of, 11. 37.
Osborne, Sir Edward, i. 305-313.
Ostuage, II. 184.
Overy, John, 11. 232.
Oxenham, John, II. 235, 237-238, 250,
272, 290.
Pachuca, I. 192.
Pacific, I. 264, 268, 284 sqq.
Drake's first sight of, II. 269.
Pagoda, II. 58-59.
Palaesimundus, il. xxi.
Palibothra, Ii. xxi.
Palma, II. 1 56- 1 70.
Palmas, I. 34.
Paludanus, 11. ix, xii.
Panama, i. 272 ; 11. xv, 264, 270.
Panane, II. 24, 60.
Pangiin, II. 20.
Pannco, I. 186, 188, 231-233, 273-274.
Panowa, II. 302.
Pascha, The, 11. 22S, 246, 290.
Pate, II. 43.
Patna, i. 331.
Patras, 11. 153.
Pay of Mariners, II. 9-10.
Pearls, I. 95, 162-163, 176.
Pedro, Chief of Cimaroons, II. 274,
292-293.
Pegu, I. 331.
Pelican, The, II. 77.
Pembroke, Earl of, I. xiii.
Penedo de San Pedro, ll. 89.
Penguin Island, i. 283.
Pepper, 11. 54-55, 57, 60.
Pereira, Don Paula de Lima, II. 45-46,
70.
Pedro Homen, II. 35-37.
Nuno Velio, li. 18, 148.
Pernambuco, il. 112, 202.
Perota, I. 265.
Persia, i. 306-307 ; II. 23, 44
Shah of, 34-35, 39.
Persia Aferckant, The, II. 339-345.
Peru, I. 264, 272, 285, 292 ; 11. xv.
Pezoro, Signior, U. 281-283.
Pheasant, Port, li. xvi, 229-230, 232.
Philip II., I. xvi, 7, 129, 151 ; II. xii,
xvii, xix, 3, 5-6, 59, 191.
Philip, Don, Prince of Spain, il. 5.
Phillipines, i. 268, 288; 11. 83.
Phillips, Miles, l. xvi, 173 sqq.
Phoenix, The, li. 134.
Pichet, John, II. 184.
Pico, II. 121, 134, 149, 191-192.
Pines, Isle of, i. 64.
Placentia, i. xvii, 225.
Plummer, Thomas, il. 184.
Poncipot, II. 302.
Ponte, Pedro de, I. xii-xiii, 34-35.
Poove, Leonard, i. 316-324.
Pope, The, i. 268 ; 11. 7, 22, 29.
Popocatapetl, i. 266.
Portaloon, li. 308.
Porto Nova, ll. 316.
Porto Rico, I. 281.
Porto Santo, i. 153; 11, 11, 229.
Potatoes, I. 48.
Prester, John, li. xxiv.
Preston, Sir Amyas, 11. 199, 212.
Puebla de los Angeles, i. 27-28, 208,
265-266.
Puerta Escondido, li. xvi.
Pula, Cape, li. 216.
Puna, Island of, i, xxiv, 286.
QuiNAL, II. 58, 59.
Quintera, Bay of, I. 284.
442
Voyages and Travels
Quittimane, II. xiii, n.
Quoglilican, i. 193.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, ii. 129-133,
137, 190-
Raunce, James, I. 174; ll. xvii, 232-
233, 242.
Red Sea, 11. 34-35, 43, no.
Revenge, The, 11. 116, 120.
Re vera, Don Pedro, i. 177.
Ribero, Bernardine, II. 1 12.
Rio de la Hacha, I. xv, xvii, 57-62,
95, 176, 225 ; II. XV.
Rio de la Plata, II. 13.
Rio Diego, 11. 250-251.
Rio Francisco, II. 285-286, 288, 289.
Rio Grande, see Magdalena.
Roca, Cape, II. 2.
Rochelle, li. 187.
Roebuck, The, 11. 132, 137.
Rome, II. 184.
Bishop of, I. 130.
Rotterdam, il. 187.
Russia, I. ix.
Sa, Constantine, II. 410.
St. Antonio, Cape, II. xx, 293.
St. Bernard's, Island of, 11. 253.
St. Helena, i. 290; 11. 43, 44, 63, 81,
83-84, 90, 112, 136.
St. George's Island, il. 91, 121, 134,
194, 200.
St. George Ford, see Madras.
St. Lucas, Cape, i. 288.
St. Michael, li. 115.
St. Vincent, Cape, II. 2, 109, in- 1 12.
Salamanca, II. 3.
Salinas, I. 188-189.
Sambos, The, a Tribe, I. 39-40.
Samorin, II. 23-24.
Sampson, Captain, il. 219.
Sampson, The, 11. 139, 145-147.
San Benito, i. 21, 202, 204.
San Bernardo, il. 242.
San Bernardo, The, il. 136.
San Christophero, li. 136.
San Domingo, il. xv.
San Felipe, The, I. xyviii ; II. 7, 12,
15, 20, 23, 39, 43.
San Felipe (Town of), I. xxiii.
San Francisco, II. 7, 12, 13, 15, 19-20,
29.
San Jago, 11. 7, 15, 19, 20, 29, 40.
Sanjago, The, 11. 140.
San Juan d'Ulloa, see Ulua.
San Lucar, il. vii.
San Lorenza, II. 7, 15, 20, 23, 29, 43.
San Paulo, The, II. 117.
San Philip, see San Felipe.
San Salvador, i. 270; 11. 7, 29, 39,
44, 82, 97.
San Thomas, The, ll. 33, 39, 51, 68,
71, 73. 77-
Sanders, Thomas, i. 241 sqq,
Sanguisceu, 11. 24-25.
Santa Anna, The, i. xxiv, 288.
Santa Clara, The, 11. 129, 132.
Santa Cruz, I. 64 ; li. 94, 97, 134.
Marquis of, II. 5, 6.
Santa Cruz, The, II. 55 sqq., 91, 129,
134-136- .
Santo Domingo, see San Domingo.
Santa Maria, l. 191 ; II. 87-88, lOO.
Santa Marta, I. 226, 229, 259.
Santiago de Cuba, I. 271.
Sapies, The, I. 38, 40.
Sardinia, li. 216.
Sargasso Sea, li. 89-90.
Sarmiento, Pedro, i. xxiii, 283.
Sarre, Ralph, I. 10.
Sattee, 11. 213, 216.
Saucy Jack, The, 11. 190, 195.
Scilly Isles, II. xx.
Scio, I. viii, xix, 1-5, 132-138; II. 182-
185.
Seaman'' s Triumph, The, li. 138, 139,
141-142.
Sebastian, King of Portugal, II. 6, 28,
Serendib, II. xxii.
Serizo, Gonzalo, I. 18.
Setubal, II. 54, 105, 119, 124.
Seville, I. 23, 27, 106, 217, 239; il.
vii, 2-3, 103, 107.
Seyllan, 11. xxii.
Shales, William, I. 301-302, 312-314,
Sharks, i. 155.
Sicily, II. 102.
Sierra Leone, I. 39, 45-46, 223-224,
282.
Silva, Don Diego Guzman de, I. xv.
Singha 11., Raja, II. xxi. See also
Kandy, King of.
Slave Trade, I. x-xiii, 29 sqq.
Smart, Hugh, 11. 341-342.
Socotra, i. 158.
Soffala, II. 115, 140, 148.
Fort, II. 17, 27, 33.
Sonnings, Romaine, i. 244, sqq.
Index
443
Sonsonate, Province of, i. 268, 270.
Spacke, Jolm, i. 32.
Spinola, Benedick, i. 83, 84.
Stapar, Richard, II. 151, 180, 308.
Stapars, Richard, i. 244, 305, 313.
Starkey, John, il. 184.
Stars, II. 13.
Stefano, Girolamo di S., Ii. xxii.
Stevens Thomas, I. xx, xxi, xxvii, 152-
159. 301, 306, 318, 322.
Storey, James, il. vii-viii.
Story, James, l. 318, 324,
Strabo, ll. xxi.
Stropene, Michael, l. 21, 316-317.
Strozzi, Phillipo, ll. xix, 6, 284.
Suez, II. 33.
Swallow, The, I. xv, 113-114, 174, 222.
Swan, The, II. xx, 228, 445.
Sweeting, John, i. 10.
Robert, i. 195, 199.
Sumatra, I. 291 ; il. xxi, 42, 46, 83.
Sunda, Straits of, I. 289-290; 11. 83.
Taggarin, I. 44-5.
Tagus, II. 2.
Tamachos, I. 190.
Tamalscaltepec, Mines, I. 267.
Tamiago, i. 190.
Tammarkadua, li. 302.
Tampico,l. 163, 186, 189-191, 233, 373.
Tangier, II. 28.
Taprobane, II. xxi.
Tarento, i. 149-151.
Tehuantepec, i. 269.
Teneriffe, I. xii, xiii, 10, 34, 153, 222.
Tepeaca, i. 266.
Terceira, i. 23 ; 11. 46, 9092, 96-97,
100-116, 118-120, 188-190, 195, 197-
198.
Tescuco, I. 195, 235, 267.
Testigos, I. 47.
Tetu, Captain, II. xix, 284-285, 290.
Texel, II. vii, i, 126.
Thin, Captain Henry, II. 131.
Thomson, Sir William, 11. 297.
Captain, II. 132, 136-138.
Tigelli, II. 170.
Tiger, The, i. 295 ; 11. 139.
Tigris, The, I. 300, 332.
Tin, William, li. vii, 54.
Tissera, Louis, il. 411.
Tlascala, I. 265.
Tobacco, I. 74-75; II. 307.
Tolou, II. 230, 249, 281.
Tom», Hernandez, I. xxiv.
Tomson, Robert, I. viii, ix, xvii, 7-23.
Tortuga, i. 49, 65.
Trincomali, li. xxiv, 301, 303, 316-220.
Tripoli, I. 2, 241 sqq., 295-296 ; II. 28,
182.
in Syria, I. 305 sqq.
Tunkorle, 11. 303.
Turren, Jean, i. 114.
Turtles, I. 65.
Twide, Richard, I. 161 sqq., 187.
Ulua, San Juan d', i. 14 ; 11. xv, xvii;
description, i. 97 ; the disaster there,
vii, xvi-xvii, 81 sqq,, 269.
Unticaro, I. 143-145.
Usliant, II. 125.
Valdez, Diego Flores de, i. xxiii,
I, 237 sqq.
Varre, Don Juan de Velasco de Varre,
II. 236, 237.
Vasco da Gama, II. xxii.
Vassal, William, il. 343-344,
Veddaks, The, 11. 307.
Vela, Cape de la, I. 176.
Vellas, II. 302.
Velsares, II. 55.
Venetians, I. 135, 322.
Venice, i. 5, 260 ; il. 22, 28.
Venta Cruz, 11. 241-242, 271-273, 278.
Ventry Haven, 11. 208.
Vera Cruz, I. 15, 27-28 ; current prices,
106-108, 209 sqq., 264-275.
Veragua, 11. xix, 280-283.
Verde, Cape de, i. 37, 94, 153, 174,
222-223 ; II. 89.
Vergonse, Padre, II. 340, 428.
Victory, The, II. 187, 190, 193, 197-
199.
Vijaya, II. xxi.
Villa Dorta, II. lOl.
Neuva, Augustine de, I. 227-229.
de Praya, il. 102.
del Rey, II. 249.
Framca, II. 116, 198.
Violet, The, 11. 145.
Virginia, I. 281.
Vrient, J. Bapt, II. x.
Waghenaer, Lucas Jansz, Thresooi
der Zeevaert, 11. viii.
II. xii.
Wallaponahoy, II. 302.
Walsingham, Captain, II. 217, 219.
Sir Francis, I. 161, 293.
Welsh Language, I. 169.
444
Voyages and Travels
Whitcombe, Roger, ii. 182,
IVhiie Dove, The, II. 120.
White Sea, I. ix.
Winter, Sir Edward, 11. 344, 346.
Sir William, I. 29.
William, I. 83, 132, 166.
William and John, The, I. xv, 105,
108, 174-175, 222 sqq.
Wilfrid, William and Nicholas, II. 184-
185.
Williamson, John, 183, 184.
Willoughby, I. ix.
Wotmds, The Five, 11. 146-150.
Wright, Edward, li. xiv, 1S6.
Wynter, ll, xviii.
Xalapa, I. 265.
Xalisco, I. 268.
Xatamas, 11. 34, 35, 38.
Yattenowera, II. 302, 306.
Yucatan, i. 277.
Zacatecas Silver Mines, i. 271,
277- .
Zambesi, li. xiii n.
Zante, l. 259-260; il. 215.
Zanzibar, li. 44, 82.
Zapatecos, i. 269.
Zeevaert, Thresoor der, 11. viii.
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